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In the Public Interest | February 2020

African American women are at disproportionate risk of sexual violence. Here’s how you can help.

American Psychological Association. (2020, February). Black women, the forgotten survivors of sexual assault. In the Public Interest . https://www.apa.org/pi/about/newsletter/2020/02/black-women-sexual-assault

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Recy Taylor was walking home from a church meeting in Abbeville, Alabama with two other churchgoers when she was terrorized by seven white men in a green Chevrolet truck, snatched by them, taken to a secluded area and assaulted and raped, being told to “act like you do, with your husband or I’ll cut your damn throat.” (as told by Recy Taylor in McGuire, 2010) According to McGuire (2010), the NAACP sent their best investigator, Rosa Parks, to what was her father’s hometown to explore what happened. Her efforts resulted in the formation of the Committee for Equal Justice, which later became known as the Montgomery Improvement Association. In fact, “the 1955 Montgomery bus boycott, often heralded as the opening scene of the civil rights movement, was in many ways the last act of a decades-long struggle to protect [B]lack women, like Taylor, from sexualized violence and rape.” (McGuire, 2010; digital location 186). The social movement widely described as the Civil Rights Movement, emerged out of black women demanding control over their bodies and lives, black men being killed for protecting black women, or ultimately, the fight for black women’s bodies and agency and against white supremacist rape and assault.
Eight decades later, black women still need protection from sexual violence, despite the Civil Rights Movement. According to the National Center on Violence Against Women in the Black Community (PDF, 772KB) :
The struggle to protect black girls and women remains. Unfortunately, black women remain vulnerable to sexual violence due to what we call intersectionality, the systematic oppression black women experience based upon their race and gender. These institutionalized practices and policies prevent their equitable enforcement. Because of what is known as the “Strong Black Woman” archetype (Beauboeuf-Lafontant, 2009), the dangerous single story told about black women that uplifts their strength, perseverance and survival and minimizes their emotional well-being, tenderness and humanity, black women are rarely protected. In fact, black women are rarely protected while:
While not directly related to sexual violence, these stories are emblematic of the daily bias and institutionalized gendered racism black women experience when dealing with various systems such as criminal justice, education and health care. Age or vulnerability doesn’t protect us either. Many people are working hard to change these inequities by developing effective policies and practices. We already have policies to address sexual violence such as the Violence Against Women Act , but partisan politics are currently preventing its reauthorization. What we don’t have is a critical mass willing to enforce these policies, center black women in the narrative, and act. But change can start with you. Here’s what you can do:
Black women should not be the forgotten survivors of sexual violence. The year is 2020. Maybe this will start another movement that will result in sustainable change for black women experiencing sexual violence.

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Chris Roberts, American Renaissance, May 6, 2017
There has been much debate about the very meager statistics on inter-racial rape . For years, incomplete but still informative estimates were available through the US Department of Justice’s National Crime Victimization Survey (see table 42 on page 55). Although these numbers are extrapolations based on small numbers of reported rapes and include verbal as well as physical sex assaults, it is clear that there is much more black-on-white than white-on-black rape.
In 2009, Barack Obama became president, and put Eric Holder in charge of the Department of Justice. Since then, the information on inter-racial crime from the National Crime Victimization Survey has been kept from the public.
While it’s going to be a long time before any kind of precise figures are had, most everyone in America would be willing to concede that there is more black-on-white rape than white-on-black. The implicit admission of this can be found in the standard liberal excuse: interracial rape figures are lop-sided because there are five times as many whites as blacks in the United States, so black rapists naturally find a lot of white victims. That might be plausible if the United States were well integrated, and if the average black man lived around a lot of white women. He doesn’t.
America as a whole is “diverse,” but most Americans live in neighborhoods with people of the same race as themselves . As a rule of thumb , the more racially diverse a city is, the more racially homogeneous its neighborhoods are. Therefore, if rapists choose their victims at random, that victim is likely to be of the same race. Most black rapists live in inner cities, and are especially unlikely to live around white women. In a country as segregated as the United States, all interracial crime at least suggests a certain degree of racial targeting.
Furthermore, celebrated black authors have written very explicitly about their desire to punish white women by raping them.
[T]here is, I should think, no Negro living in America who . . . has not wanted to smash any white face he may encounter in a day, to violate, out of motives of the cruelest vengeance, their women, to break the bodies of all white people. . . .
Eldridge Cleaver of the Black Panthers wrote of his career as a rapist:
Rape [of white women] was an insurrectional act. It delighted me that I was defying and trampling upon the white man’s law, upon his system of values, and that I was defiling his women . . . I felt that I was getting revenge.
Amiri Baraka, originally known as LeRoi Jones and who was named New Jersey Poet Laureate in 2002, wrote in his poem “ Black Dada Nihilimus :”
And, indeed, some blacks have raped white women for reasons of pure, political hatred.
For a 179-day period in 1973 and 1974, a group of Black Muslim “Death Angels” kept the city of San Francisco in a panic as they killed randomly-chosen “blue-eyed devils” in what came to be called the “ zebra murders .” Estimates put the number of white victims at between 15 and 73. Female victims were often raped before they were executed.
In 1992, Joseph Gardner of Charleston, South Carolina, and his two friends, Matt Williams and Matt Mack, decided to get “get even” for white oppression by murdering a white woman. They abducted Melissa “Missi” McLauchlin and brought her back to their trailer park. They raped her and put out the word that they had “captured a white woman.” Three other black men came and also raped her. Then they tortured her with bleach and hydrogen peroxide, shot her in the face five times, and left her to die by the side of a road.
In 2008, a white woman wept on the witness stand as she described her rape at the hands of a black man who broke into her apartment in Raleigh, North Carolina. He told her he was punishing her for the historic crimes of whites.
In 2013 Corey Batey , a black football player at Vanderbilt University filmed himself and some of his teammates as they raped a white woman at a party. Mr. Batey then urinated on her face, saying, “That’s for 400 years of slavery you b—-.”
In 2016 Lee Harris raped a white woman at knifepoint and told her he did so “because you are white.”
Blacks in other countries have raped white women for similar reasons. In Britain , a black illegal immigrant named Amos Moobeng raped a teen-age girl because she was white.
In Brazil , a black man named Sailson Jose das Gracas confessed to murdering at least 41 whites. As he explained: “Women for me has to be white, not black, because of my color. I got pleasure from them fighting, screaming and scratching me.” Das Gracas did not rape his victims; he masturbated after killing them.
In prisons, black men rape white men out of hatred and a desire to dominate them. A 2001 report by Human Rights Watch concluded that tens of thousands of men are raped every year in the United States — almost all of them white prisoners raped by blacks. Some blacks make whites their sex slaves, whom they buy, sell, and rent out to other blacks.
“Within a week he was pimping me out to other inmates at $3.00 a man,” said a white who was forced to become a black inmates “wife.” “You can buy a kid for 20 or 30 dollars on most wings,” explained one convict. “They sell them like cattle.”
Sean Smith , a white man in a South African prison, said he was raped every day of his months-long sentence, often several times a day. “They did it not just as part of gang dominance but in my case it was showing supremacy over a white man — I was the only one there,” he said. By the end, he was HIV positive.
There is vastly more black-on-white than white-on-black violence of all kinds, not just rape . Of the estimated 650,000 black-white crimes of violence committed every year, blacks are the perpetrators 85 percent of the time . This means that a black person, on average, is 27 times more likely to attack a white than vice versa. It is impossible to know how much of this sharp disproportion reflects deliberate targeting, but racial hatred surely accounts for some of it.
Over the course of a decade, John Floyd Thomas, Jr. raped and killed as many as 30 elderly white women throughout Los Angeles County, which means he was probably the area’s most prolific serial killer. He is black and every one of his victims was white. Was this a coincidence or was he, too, “getting even”? His Wikipedia page is silent about the race of his victims; this would be unthinkable in the case of white killers, such as Joseph Paul Franklin or Dylann Roof , who attacked blacks.
Even when blacks do not openly express anti-white animus, the sheer brutality of their crimes suggests something more than conventional criminal motives. When Curtis Vance raped Anne Pressly, a white woman, he beat her so savagely with a garden tool that her “jaw was forced to the back of her head and cut off blood flow to her brain.” The mother of the victim found her lying in a pool of blood, gasping for air.
The black-on-white crimes that became known as the “ Knoxville Horror ” and the “ Wichita Massacre ,” were likewise cases of rape, murder, torture, and sexual humiliation so appalling that it is very difficult to believe the killers were not acting out of deep hatred for whites.
White-on-black rape is not unheard of . In Oklahoma City, a half-white half-Japanese police officer was recently convicted of targeting black women for rape. However, crimes of this kind rarely show the vicious brutality of the haunting cases noted above. White rapists simply do not seem to mutilate or kill their victims. The most famous black rape victims — Tawana Brawley and Crystal Mangum — turned out to be hoaxers, along with many others .
Whatever the exact numbers, there is no doubt that blacks rape whites far more often than whites rape blacks. It is clear that at least some blacks rapists hate whites , and rape is a particularly satisfying way for them to express their hatred.

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March 10, 2011 — -- The alleged gang rape of an 11-year-old girl by at least 18 boys and young men has sparked shame and outrage in a tiny Texas town, but it has also stirred racial tensions that threaten to split the East Texas hamlet.
All of the defendants arrested are African-American and the girl is Hispanic.
The hardscrabble town of Cleveland, which is 45 miles from Houston, has fewer than 8,000 residents and since the saw mill closed the biggest employers are Wal-Mart and a nearby prison. In a town this small, everyone is a neighbor, but that small town ambience is being severely strained.
The rape allegedly occurred last November, and the list of suspects has been growing as arrests keep coming. It's not clear whether more arrests are in the works.
The suspects range in age from 14 to 26, include stars on the high school's basketball team as well as the son of a school board member.
But as the investigation drags on, the shock and indignation has been tinged with an undercurrent of racial tension.
"I feel sorry for the little girl. I feel sorry for everyone involved...the city is in turmoil," Inez Dickerson said.
Dickerson, 68, is the great-grandmother of one of the defendants in the case. Her grandson has not been publicly identified by police because he is a minor.
Dickerson remembers when her great-grandson called to tell her the crime he's accused of committing.
"When I got on the phone, he was crying. He said, 'Granny, I've been accused of something. I'm scared,'" Dickerson said. "He's pretty tore up about it."
"I'm not going to play the race card on this because my grandson and all the rest were very young men and they could have given a second thought on this," Dickerson said.
While Dickerson believes the flaring of racial tensions isn't warranted, others disagree.
Houston community activist Quanell X will host a town hall meeting this evening called "What's the real truth behind the rape allegations?"
"Every adult male that had sex with this child should go to prison, I don't care what the color is. But I do not believe black males are the only ones that had contact with this young child," said Quanell X, the leader of Houston's New Black Panther Party. "It appears to me there's only been the selective prosecution of one community, which is African American."
Quannell X said the rally has been moved from a church to a community center because, "The church received some death threats."
The village has a history of racial violence. In 1988, an African American man was arrested in Cleveland for allegedly stealing a fountain pen. The man, 30-year-old Kenneth Simpson, was allegedly beaten to death by white police officers while in prison. The officers were acquitted of murder charges and returned to work.
In addition, Cleveland is embroiled in a political scandal where three city council members are facing a recall election following complaints of corruption. All three of those city council members are African American.
More than half of the town is white, with the rest of the residents split between blacks and Hispanics.
Most of the defendants have ties to Precinct 20, the nickname for the predominantly African-American neighborhood in Cleveland.
Cleveland police began investigating the rape in December of last year after cell phone video showing the alleged sex attack started circulating among students at Cleveland schools, according to court documents. The video shows the girl engaged in sexual acts with several men.
The girl told authorities that the weekend after Thanksgiving she was asked if she wanted to ride around with three of the defendants in the case. The girl, described as a straight A student by those who know her, rode with the young men to a blue house with white trim, according to court documents.
As the night unfolded, numerous men came to the house and later an abandoned trailer to have sex with the girl, according to court documents.
The video surfaced because some of the girl's attackers used their cell phones to take photographs and to film the assaults.
The girl, who has not been identified because she is a minor and the alleged victim of a sex crime, said that she was told by the men that they "would have some girls 'beat her up' or she would not be taken back to her residence" if she didn't have sex with them, according to court documents.
When a relative of one of the defendants was heard returning to the blue house, the group hurriedly moved to an abandoned trailer. The girl left behind her bra and panties, according to the court documents.
The girl has been removed from the custody of her parents.
Brenda Myers knows the girl and her family. Myers runs the Community and Children's Impact Center in Cleveland, one of the few programs for Cleveland's youth.
The 11-year-old girl and her two sisters frequently attended meetings held by Myers' organization. Myers said the girl was a happy and talkative girl, but something abruptly changed last October.
"This little girl was always hugging and loving and in October, she was really, really quiet," Myers said.
When Myers asked the girl what was bothering her, she said, "It's just something I c
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