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Trump sued by Central Park Five for defamation during the presidential debate, Harris pleads for a 'healthy' two-party system. Timothy Snyder: 'Americans are killing themselves with their misunderstanding of freedom'. At tribute for cyclist killed in Paris: 'What happened to Paul isn't an isolated case'. Coerced confessions and day police custody: Japan's criminal justice system struggles to change. What is Hezbollah, and why has it been in conflict with Israel for the past 40 years? French mass rape trial: 'The idea of the monster rapist has protected countless criminals in overalls, ties and robes'. Gigantic animals come to life again at the 'Giants' exhibition in Toulouse. Tom Wesselmann, the pop artist long in Warhol's shadow, enters the spotlight. Philippe Charlier, exhibition curator: 'The zombie is a very relevant figure today'. After years of semi-underground, Aziz has decided to move over to 'the legal side. In a hamlet near Talambote, about 20 kilometers from Chefchaouen, Aziz's plots are located at the end of a winding track lined with conifers. The season has started. The year-old farmer has just sown the seeds for the summer harvest. A few months ago, he created his cooperative, as required by the law passed by Morocco, which allows the cultivation of cannabis for medical and industrial purposes while maintaining the prohibition of its recreational use. He still needs to find a company willing to buy his crop. They are interested in our plants. We haven't talked about price yet. In the surrounding villages, Aziz is a trailblazer. According to him, 'most of the farmers have not done anything. In the region, it is difficult to see the effects of the new legislation, which for now seems to have created more doubts than enthusiasm. For the moment, he says he is 'in the dark': 'To whom and at what price will we sell? Which seeds? Will they be suitable? We have nothing but kif. We're not going to risk losing everything. In the country, considered by the UN to cnabe the world's largest producer of cannabis resin, the law, which aims to 'convert illegal crops that destroy the environment into legal, sustainable activities that generate value and jobs,' is nevertheless a source of hope. It even appears to be a way out for the Rif, a poor and marginalized region, where this crop is prohibited yet tolerated by the authorities in order to maintain a certain form of social peace. And where the financial windfall generated by the traffic barely benefits the , people according to an official estimate who depend on it. They will have a fixed income, which will provide them with the ability to invest and improve their lifestyle. In his office in Rabat, where files to be signed are piling up, El Guerrouj is eager to show that work is progressing: 'More than farmers have already obtained a cultivation permit and 75 operators have received processing, marketing or export permits, including pharmaceutical industries, agribusinesses, cooperatives and individuals. The added value is for them. They remain to be convinced. And who flee from everything that represents the state because of the repression and abandonment of which they have long been victims. Another uncertainty is what this new legal cannabis market will do. Or will it cover a wider range of products, from cosmetics to food and building materials? I don't see how it could be otherwise, except to allow the recreational use of cannabis, which would enable the project to be truly inclusive. Translation of an original article published in French on lemonde. Nous vous conseillons de modifier votre mot de passe. Videos Investigations Explainers. French Delights Exhibitions Gastronomy Culture. Read more Subscribers only The budding traffic of cannabis 'gardeners'. Thanks to a daily lesson, an original story and a personalized correction, in 15 minutes per day.

Morocco: Two years after cannabis law, farmers in the Rif still 'in the dark'

Rabat buying marijuana

The humidity had infiltrated the wall where a framed portrait of King Mohammed VI hung; the peeling paint was hastily covered over with a Moroccan flag in anticipation of the visitors from the capital who were filing into the hall and mounting the dais. There was an uneasy tension in the air as Mohamed El-Guerrouj, polished in a tailored suit and dark-rimmed glasses, took to the podium to address the crowd. El-Guerrouj, a longtime politician with an academic career in agriculture development, was chosen by the palace last year to lead the newly established Moroccan state cannabis agency, which goes by the French acronym ANRAC. That the same government that forced his family into precarity and labeled them as outlaws now wants to partner with them has left Omar skeptical; he and other farmers worry that they will be cut out of the profits as the system becomes more regulated and multinational organizations control more of the means of production and supply chain. At parties in Ibiza and in dorm rooms in The Hague, every day tens of thousands of Europeans light up cannabis farmed on the rocky slopes of the Rif. Around nearly every corner in the small mountain town lurk young men slyly selling hand rolled cigarettes of kif — Beldiya mixed with tobacco — or gummy bricks of hash. In tucked-away cafes tourists can get a taste of how locals smoke Beldiya — in a long terracotta and wood pipe, interspersed with sips of mint tea. The bulk of the profits lands in the pockets of smugglers who transport the crop out of the Rif and into markets across North Africa and Europe. For the estimated 90, families who rely solely on cannabis crops for their income, the take-home pay is meager. A dual Moroccan-Spanish national, he came up in the rough neighborhoods of Tetouan, a town in the north of the country, and cut his teeth selling illegal tobacco. By the early s, he ran the largest cannabis trafficking ring in the country and controlled the drug trade between Spain and Rabat using Zodiac boats. His arrest in was heralded by authorities but mourned by some locals in the Rif, where he had for decades whitewashed drug money with generous donations to struggling families and opened businesses that provided work opportunities for locals. The trafficking rings themselves provide employment to young people in a region where many families struggle and jobs are scarce. Even some small farmers, faced with the rising cost of fertilizers and water for their fields, have abandoned their crops to join trafficking rings, Omar explained. The legalization and regulation of cannabis would disrupt an entire shadow economy — one that, even with the promised profits from the government, could be hard to replace. There are also no guarantees that the profits from the bright cannabis future that Morocco is projecting will end up in the pockets of those who need it most. The new law, which governs all aspects of cannabis regularization — from cultivation conditions to the import of seeds and the export of products — is light on details about the financial aspects of profit sharing. The ambiguity is fueling frustration and deepening mistrust between the farmers and the government. ANRAC requires farmers to create cooperatives to sell the crops to certified buyers, such as pharmaceutical companies. Farmers have to give their entire crop to the cooperative to participate, but the agency has yet to announce what the price is per kilogram for their crops, and it has growers nervous. While only farmers will be allowed to import and export seeds and cannabis plants, the transformation of that cannabis into medical, pharmaceutical and industrial goods will be in the hands of larger corporations. The vetting process has been slow, and to date only 40 permits have been granted. Farmers worry multinationals will begin buying up land in the Rif to control the entire supply chain, pushing them off their ancestral lands and out of the business their families rely on. And it seems they will be able to do so. Despite legalizing the growing of cannabis for pharmaceutical and industrial use, Morocco has retained a strict ban on production for recreational use — a demand that is not going away, either in the country or internationally. Opportunities for traffickers will persist, creating a shadow market that could drive the cost of recreational hash down, further hammering the local community, and small producers who grow for the local market will continue to be pursued as outlaws, even while multinationals encroach on their land. El-Guerrouj and ANRAC, which is short-staffed and working on tightened timelines, admits to not having all the answers yet. The first step, the agency said, is launching a bid for proposals to conduct a study aimed at developing a year strategic plan for the legal use of cannabis. But while the bureaucratic wheels turn slowly, more nimble forces are drafting strategic plans of their own. The mood at the Officine Expo: Pharma Africa summit in Marrakesh this past February was effusive as officials and entrepreneurs pitched the potential of cannabis to the attendees. Reps from pharma companies, potential investors and medical researchers gathered in a conference hall at a five-star resort to hear presentations on the legalization process and the future of the once-banned crop. There were panels on its use in cancer research, the quality of local varieties and its marketability. Among the attendees was Khalid El-Attaoui, the deputy managing director of Axess Pharma, one of the companies vying for a chance to transform Rifi crops into everything from cancer drugs to cannabis soft drinks and chocolate. Sitting at the back of the hall, Abdellatif Adebibe, a local figure involved in pro-cannabis legalization, was markedly unimpressed as he listened to the visions of a capitalist cannabis utopia the heads of Big Pharma painted for the crowd. For 25 years, Adebibe led the fight for legalization in Morocco from his own fields in Ketama, the mecca of cannabis. As part of his campaign, Adebibe traveled around Europe and Africa telling the story of his father, who once fought against Spanish colonization only to find himself post-independence fighting a new battle: his right for dignity as he worked his cannabis land — without being perceived as a criminal. The year-old activist was not among those invited to speak at the conference, but when the floor opened for questions, he rose to take the microphone and excoriated the politicians and businesspeople in the crowd. In French, he detailed what he called the hypocrisy of the state in crafting the new legalization. When Adebibe finished, an uneasy air fell on the hall; a few shy claps rose from the crowd. He stood, waiting for a reply from the shocked, silent officials and businesspeople sitting on the stage. Mohamed Benamar, a consultant for ANRAC, doused the tensions with assurances that the king himself is quite concerned with the situation of Rifi farmers and that the state is prioritizing their interests over all other aspects. But for Adebibe, it was mere platitudes. As long as the farmers and officials were standing on opposing sides of the hall, a reconciliation would be meaningless. Latest See all. Israel Killed Nasrallah. Read More See all. Sign up to our newsletter.

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