Pussy Riot Church

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https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pussy_Riot
Arrest for hooliganism
On February 26, 2012 a criminal case was opened against the band members who had participated in the Moscow cathedral performance on February 21. On March 3, Maria Alyokhina and Nadezhda Tolokonnikova, two alleged members of Pussy Riot, were arrested by the Russian authorities and accused of hooliganism. Both women at first denied being members of the group and started a hunger strikein protest against being held in jail …
Arrest for hooliganism
On February 26, 2012 a criminal case was opened against the band members who had participated in the Moscow cathedral performance on February 21. On March 3, Maria Alyokhina and Nadezhda Tolokonnikova, two alleged members of Pussy Riot, were arrested by the Russian authorities and accused of hooliganism. Both women at first denied being members of the group and started a hunger strike in protest against being held in jail away from their young children. The defendants were held without bail. On March 16, another woman, Yekaterina Samutsevich, who had earlier been questioned as a witness in the case, was similarly arrested and charged.

Defense attorney Nikolai Polozov said that both Tolokonnikova and Samutsevich were also members of the Voina group, and both had previously staged disruptive protests in the Tagansky Court building, where they would be judged. He argued that their two previous attempts to disrupt proceedings would bias the judge, and preclude a fair outcome at that location. "I believe that the judge will certainly remember my clients, and could easily take offense to it, and therefore could not make an objective decision". The three detained members of Pussy Riot were declared political prisoners by the Union of Solidarity with Political Prisoners (SPP). On March 25, Amnesty International named them prisoners of conscience due to "the severity of the response of the Russian authorities".

Speaking at a liturgy in Moscow's Deposition of the Robe Church on March 21, Patriarch Kirill condemned Pussy Riot's actions as blasphemous, saying that the "Devil has laughed at all of us … We have no future if we allow mockery in front of great shrines, and if some see such mockery as a sort of bravery, an expression of political protest, an acceptable action or a harmless joke." The church's membership varied in its opinions on the case; a petition calling for the women to be forgiven was signed by approximately 5,000 lay members. Patriarch Kirill spoke of "his heart breaking with bitterness" when he heard that some Orthodox Christians sought mercy and forgiveness for the women.

Formal charges against the group were presented on June 4, the indictment running to 2,800 pages. By late June 2012, disquiet over the trio's detention without setting a trial date and concern over what was regarded as excessive and arbitrary treatment, led to the writing of an open letter. It was signed by leading opposition figures, as well as by director Fyodor Bondarchuk, a supporter of Putin, and actors Chulpan Khamatova and Yevgeny Mironov, both of whom had appeared in campaign videos supporting Putin's re-election. Singer Alla Pugachyova appealed on the women's behalf, stating that they should be ordered to perform community service rather than imprisoned. Meanwhile, Nikita Mikhalkov, head of the Russian Cinematographers' Union, stated that he would gladly sign an open letter against them.

On July 4, the defendants were informed that they would have to finish preparing their defense by July 9. They announced a hunger strike in response, saying that two working days was inadequate time to finish preparing their trial defense. On July 21, the court extended their pre-trial detention by a further six months.

Trial, conviction, and sentencing
The trial of the three women started in Moscow's Khamovniki District Court on July 30, 2012. Charged with "premeditated hooliganism performed by an organized group of people motivated by religious hatred or hostility," they faced possible sentences of up to seven years in prison. In early July, a poll conducted in Moscow found that half of the respondents opposed the trial while 36 percent supported it; the rest being undecided. Putin stated that while he saw "nothing good" about the band's protest, "Nonetheless, I don't think that they should be judged so harshly for this."

The defendants pleaded not guilty, saying that they had not meant their protest to be offensive. "We sang part of the refrain 'Holy shit'," Tolokonnikova said in court. "I am sorry if I offended anyone with this. It is an idiomatic expression, related to the previous verse — about the fusion of Moscow patriarchy and the government. 'Holy shit' is our evaluation of the situation in the country. This opinion is not blasphemy." Their lawyers stated that the circumstances of the case had revived the Soviet-era tradition of the show trial. On August 15, 20 protesters wearing balaclavas gathered in support of Pussy Riot at Christ the Savior Cathedral, and held up placards reading "Blessed are the merciful". Cathedral guards quickly moved against the protesters, trying to detain them and taking off their balaclavas.

Pussy Riot said their protest was a political statement, but prosecutors said the band was trying to "incite religious hatred" against the Orthodox Church. In "Putin Zassal", Pussy Riot had stated "The Orthodox Religion is a hardened penis / Coercing its subjects to accept conformity", among other examples of the group's antagonism to the Church as an organization, which it views as corrupt. Thus central issues of the case were the definition of "hatred" against a religion, and whether blasphemy can exist in a secular state. Pavel Chikov, Chairman of the Agora Human Rights Association, said that defense lawyers were able to maximize publicity by creating "a huge public outcry over the case", but at the expense of defendants' liability.

All three were convicted by the judge and sentenced to two years in a penal colony on August 17, 2012. The judge stated that they had "crudely undermined the social order" with their protest, showing a "complete lack of respect" for believers. Mark Feygin, a lawyer for the trio, stated that they would appeal the verdict, but that "Under no circumstances will the girls ask for a pardon [from Putin] … They will not beg and humiliate themselves before such a bastard". Tolokonnikova stated that "Our imprisonment serves as a clear and unambiguous sign that freedom is being taken away from the entire country."

Both supporters and critics of the band demonstrated at their sentencing hearing. Opposition leader Sergei Udaltsov, who was protesting in support of the band, was detained by police. Former world chess champion and long standing opposition member Garry Kasparov, who tried to attend the reading of the verdict, was arrested and beaten.

Former Finance Minister Alexei Kudrin described the verdict as "yet another blow to the court system and citizens' trust in it", harming the country's international image. Putin responded that religious organizations should be protected, because "the country has very grave memories of the initial period of Soviet rule, when a huge number of priests suffered. Many churches were destroyed and all our traditional faiths suffered huge damage."

Appeal to the Moscow City Court
On October 1, 2012, an appellate hearing was postponed in the Moscow City Court (a regional court, similar to the supreme court of a republic) after Samutsevich informed a panel of three judges that she wished to terminate the representation of her defense attorneys as "My position in the criminal case does not coincide with their position."

In an interview for his 60th birthday broadcast on October 7, shortly before the appeal was heard, Putin said that Pussy Riot had "undermined the moral foundations" of the country and that they "got what they asked for". In response, Pussy Riot lawyer Violetta Volkova accused Putin of putting pressure on the court.

On October 10, Samutsevich's new lawyer, Irina Khrunova, argued that her client had not in fact committed the acts of hooliganism in the church as she was prevented from accessing the soleas by church security. The court appeared to accept this argument, and released Samutsevich on two years' probation. However, the judges rejected the appeals of Tolokonnikova and Alyokhina, upholding their convictions and sentences.

Writing for The New Republic, Russian-American journalist Julia Ioffe commented that by arguing that Samutsevich was innocent because she had not participated, Khrunova's defense had implied that Tolokonnikova and Alyokhina had in fact committed a crime, and had cut off "the one path to redemption that the group actually had: ignoring the court's proceedings and denying its legitimacy". Some commentators saw Samutsevich's unexpected release as a divide and rule tactic on the part of the authorities. Details later emerged of an alleged Nasedka ("mother hen"), a prisoner who spies on fellow inmates and manipulates them into co-operating with the authorities in return for privileges and early parole. A convicted fraudster named Irina Orlova was placed in the same cell as Samutsevich, where she apparently gained her trust and persuaded her to change lawyers. Any alleged agreement with authorities would have required Samutsevich to publicly denounce her former lawyers.

Imprisonment
Initial reports suggested that the women would serve their sentence in one of three provinces. The decision upon a general-security women's corrective labor colony (the most common type of prison in Russia) in the Republic of Mordovia, approximately 400 kilometers from Moscow, was later confirmed by Tolokonnikova's husband. The women asked authorities to let them serve their sentence at the pre-trial detention facility in Moscow. Their request was denied, and Tolokonnikova and Alyokhina were then dispatched to penal colonies in Mordovia and Perm Oblast, respectively.

The IK-2 and IK-14 penal colonies in Yavas, Zubovo-Polyansky District, Mordovia, are the most common destinations for women prisoners sentenced in Moscow. It is the former location of the Dubravlag labor camp complex of the Gulag system. Tolokonnikova was incarcerated in IK-14, whereas Alyokhina was sent to IK-32 in Perm. The latter is a colony for first-time offenders, which houses a sewing factory, and an experimental vocational program to re-train women prisoners to become digital cartoon animators. Conditions in IK-32 are relatively favorable, and neither prisoners nor human rights monitors have filed complaints about its conditions. Meanwhile, IK-14 has a harder reputation.

In November 2012, Alyokhina requested to be voluntarily placed in solitary confinement, citing "strained relations" with her fellow prisoners. Tolokonnikova also has experienced friction with inmates at IK-14, who have regarded her "at best with contempt, at worst with hostility", according to a report by Aleksey Baranovsky, Coordinator of the Human Rights Center "Russian Verdict".

On September 23, 2013, Tolokonnikova announced that she was staging a hunger strike in protest of alleged human rights violations in the prison. A translation of her letter describing the prison conditions was published in The Guardian. On September 27, 2013, she was placed in the medical ward after not eating for five days.
https://www.huffpost.com/entry/pussy-riot-russian-orthodox-church-its-complicated_b...
Перевести · 11.06.2013 · Pussy Riot, it seems, does not want to attack the faith. On the contrary, it wants to remind the faithful that, in Soviet times, the state controlled the church, resulting in its evisceration. The church …
The original video of performance punk band Free Pussy Riot in Cathedral of Christ th Saviour Moscow
Pussy Riot Original Church Shoot Has No Criminal Content
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Russian Orthodox Church organises against Pussy Riot punks
Russia breaks up Pussy Riot protest outside church
https://politicaltheology.com/pussy-riot-church
Перевести · 23.08.2012 · Pussy Riot and the Church. Last week the Khamovnicheskiy district court in Moscow announced its decision on the Pussy Riot case – two years of prison for the …
Вдохновившись однажды услышанной от туристки шокирующей фразой «Oh, this is Pussy Riot church!», мы решили провести 24 часа вокруг и около главного храма Москвы, …
https://www.christiancentury.org/article/2012-09/church-state-and-punk
Перевести · 17.09.2012 · Church, state and punk: The Pussy Riot protest. by John P. Burgess. September 17, 2012. Игорь Мухин at ru.wikipedia. During the week in which the Orthodox Church prepares for the Great Lenten Fast, a video appeared on the website of Pussy Riot…
https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-25490161
Перевести · 23.12.2013 · Pussy Riot: The story so far. In less than three years, Pussy Riot has morphed from a little-known feminist protest band to an international cause celebre. As its two …
https://www.arthuride.com/pussy-riot-vladmir-putin-russian-orthodox-church-and...
Перевести · 10.08.2012 · Pussy Riot, Vladmir Putin, Russian Orthodox Church and Patriarch Kirill. The Russian Orthodox Church (Русская Православная Церковь, Russkaya …
https://newsfeed.time.com/.../slide/pussy-riot-vs-the-russian-orthodox-church
Перевести · 04.12.2012 · Yuri Kozyrev / NOOR. Members of the political punk band Pussy Riot sit in the defendants' cage of a courtroom in Moscow, on Aug. 3, 2012. For decades under the Soviet Union, the Russian Orthodox Church …
https://politdialog.ru/2146282/как-перевести-на-русский-the-pussy...
Как перевести на русский «the Pussy Riot Church»? Открыт 0 Ответов 0 Просмотров Общество, Политика, СМИ спросил 28 Март, 18 от Дана (sp) Супер Доцент ( 56.3k баллов) 3 …
https://ru.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pussy_Riot
Pussy Riot ( произносится: /ˈpʊsɪ ˈɹaɪ.ət/, «Пу́сси Ра́йот») — российская феминистская панк-рок -группа, действующая c 2011 года на принципах анонимности и осуществляющая …
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Traditions
Pussy Riot and the Church
Last week the Khamovnicheskiy district court in Moscow announced its decision on the Pussy Riot case – two years of prison for the three accused, i.e. a year less compared to what the state prosecutor had asked for. Three members of the feminist punk collective Nadezhda Tolokonnikova, 22, Maria Alekhina, 24, and Ekaterina Samutsevich, 30, were arrested in March earlier this year, and were held under arrest for five months of the investigation period – a court decision vehemently criticized by the supporters of the Pussy Riot, as well as by the professionals who underline the necessity to adhere to reasonable rules of judicial process.
The alleged crime of Pussy Riot took place on February 21, in the Christ the Savior Cathedral in central Moscow. On that day Pussy Riot attempted to perform a prayer in a form of a punk song in what is conventionally called the main Russian Orthodox cathedral (despite its legal belonging to the Mayor’s office, not the Moscow Patriarchate) while being dressed in colorful dresses and stockings, with their faces covered. They were escorted out of the cathedral by the security less then two minutes after they began to sing. These details are important, as the girls were essentially accused of inciting religious hatred, violating the centuries-long Russian Orthodox traditions, and offending the feelings of the believers to an extent that they suffered shock so deep it made them incapable of work – all by inappropriate appearance and behavior in the sacred space of a church.
The prosecution has built its case on the premise that the chief motive of the performance was hatred towards Orthodox Christianity and the community of believers. Tolokonnikova, Alekhina and Samutsevich repeatedly denied it, and maintained throughout that they were guided by the desperate wish to attract the Russian Church’s attention to its problems: too close symbiosis with state power, too active involvement in political life and party politics, and general lack of ‘Christian spirit’ in its hierarchy. The prosecution presented the case as an instance of religious hatred, and the judge readily accepted this interpretation. Thus leaving out the political message, so clearly contained in the lines of the punk-prayer “Mother of God, drive Putin away”. The accused and their lawyers were outraged by this purposeful blindness, but the girls nevertheless apologized to all Christians who felt that their faith has been offended.
Ever since the arrest, which was widely publicized in media, Russian public opinion has been divided over what has actually happened, whether and how it should be punished, and what does it mean for Russia. There are way too many things that are wrong about this story to enumerate them all here. Sadly, some of them come as no surprise to people in Russia – lack of justice, absence of independent judiciary, and incredible political power of the Russian Orthodox Church and its Patriarch – these issues have been on the agenda for years. Potential consequences of the whole affair for the Russian society are many, and they don’t look good: further division of society which is already polarized more than it has ever been in the past decade, rise of radical anti-Church feelings, and as a response further movement of the Church towards the safety of state protection, and flirting with Russian nationalism. We may hope though that the performance of these young and radical punk feminists has not just opened the Pandora’s box, but will also lead to a profound discussion inside the Russian Church, and in the general public about the role and place of the Church and religion in contemporary life, and are the ways to reform the Russian Orthodox Church.
Dr. Maria Falina is a post-doctoral fellow at the History Department, Central European University, Budapest. She has previously taught in Budapest and Moscow. Her fields of academic interest include modern and contemporary East European history, intellectual history, religious studies and nationalism. She has published on clerical fascism, nationalization of religion in the Balkans, and political dimensions of East Orthodox Christianity. Her current research project focuses on the comparative history of religious communities in Yugoslavia in the first half of the 20th century. She is also a member of the research project “Negotiating Modernity: History of Modern Political Thought in East-Central Europe” funded by ERC.


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