Protocols 1

Translated from the German by Epieus Barkantz

I A.

We had a dream. No longer would we toil ceaselessly as slaves of international bankers and industrialists. No longer would the following generations of our people be enserfed by the compound interest imposed on us by usurious colonists. No longer would our people, the aboriginal inhabitants of Europe, go hungry. No longer would we live in poverty. No longer would we freeze to death in winter. No longer would our men lose their dignity as human beings. No longer would our daughters be forced to sell themselves into prostitution in order to eat. No longer would our sons be murdered and maimed in pointless bloody wars for the profit of a small clique of finance capitalists.

We wanted our land back, the land our ancestors had worked and defended for thousands of years. It was ours. It was damaged, but we wanted to heal it, as much as we wanted to heal ourselves. The two processes were inseparable. We wanted the butchery of our forests to end. We wanted the poisoning of our soil to cease. We wanted our rivers cleaned. We wanted beasts domestic and wild to be respected as much as we would now respect each other. We wanted our architecture to be harmonious and beautiful. We wanted our paintings and sculptures to inspire, our music to lift us, and our poetry and literature to reflect greatness. We wanted our labour, our industriousness, our creativity, and our genius to benefit us, not those who hated us and mocked us. We wanted to redeem ourselves in the eyes of our philosopher prophets. We would mend the rift between classes. We would ennoble physical labour. We would eliminate the false distinction between body and mind. We would use science to improve, not to exploit. We would love each other as a family.

We saw a future.

We knew we were flawed. We, of all the peoples in the world at the time but one, began to reform ourselves. We examined our national community and knew what had to be done. We would rid ourselves of old superstitions. We would care about the health and wellbeing of our kindred. We would mend the ravages wrought by industrialism and civilisation. We would put an end to our insane belief in afterworlds. We would be as one with this earth again. We would coalesce as an organism and become a true people once more. We had been sick for too long, which is why we had become divided and enslaved in the first place. We were tired of being stolen from, spat at, and mocked by other, more brutal and more powerful people. We wished to live according to our own laws and our own historical development. We desired nothing more than to stop being preyed upon by foreigners and to decide our own fate.

This is what we wanted.

Dreams do not come true without deeds. Even when one is strong, which we were not, one cannot merely ask an aggressor to take his hands from around one’s throat. One must pry the hands off one’s self, or die. Our masters had imposed a sham democracy on our people, as they had everywhere they had conquered and as they still do to this day. This proxy government simply gave a mock-legitimacy to the exploitative actions of those who controlled us by manipulation of currency and debt. The rule of our people by their own natural leaders had been ruined. Media and technology, both in the hands of those who hated us, had been unleashed against us. The power of the world slavers was increasing concurrently with the forced acceptance of democracy. Our chances were slim. Yet there was still hope. If the desire to become free was indeed a desire of the collective will, change could still be effected, against all odds. We needed to gain control of the state, as other groups had done for themselves around the world. If we did not, we and our progeny would remain in bondage forever.

So we revolted, as was necessary. We rose against the most powerful people of all time. They assassinated us when they could, as they had for thousands of years. They starved us when they could, as they had done elsewhere to other peoples across Europe. But we found strength where we never imagined we had it. It was the greatest slave revolt in history. For the first time in the long story of mankind, millions of aboriginal people were throwing off the yoke of foreign interlopers, economic exploiters, and ethnic colonisers. The murderous hands were pried from our throat. Beauty returned to our land like spring after a winter of thousands of years. Oh, the health that burst forth! Families flourished, art and scholarship flourished, the land flourished, the indigenous people flourished. We were alive again. We could laugh again. We had dared to do what no other ever had. We had decided to no longer crawl at the feet of finance capital, and now we stood erect, looking to a new day. The other inhabitants of the world could see what they, too, could become. They would rise with us. The complete course of evolutionary history on this earth would be altered.

But the future we envisioned was not to be. Our blessed present could not continue. We were attacked from many directions. Our enemies were merciless. We were slandered, boycotted, provoked, and finally murdered. Slaves are not supposed to rise. They are not supposed to unite. They are not supposed to spread their revolt. They and their children and their descendants are to labour content, forever.

They crushed us, as they had our neighbors. They murdered our fathers. They raped our mothers. They tortured our siblings. They starved our children. And they painted us as the aggressors. They lied, as they needed to, as is their way. They lie still. They crush us still. We are judged separately from all the peoples of the world. Why are the men and women of China not condemned for their Han Dynasty, for their Boxer Rebellion, for the self-praising of their own culture and people? Would their mighty civilisation have continued on its course without the expulsion of predatory non-Chinese elements? Why may the Jews have their own state and their own culture to the exclusion of others, while we cannot? Why may Africa be proclaimed for Africans alone but not our ancient tribal lands for ourselves? Why are our historical desires for autonomy to be dismissed and sneered at while all others have the right to express what is natural?

Of course we fought. This is no crime. We had to fight. What would anyone else have done differently in our situation? Of course we imprisoned internal enemies who desired to harm our families. If enemies of the state could be arrested and jailed in the United States and England and the Soviet Union, why could we not do this in our own land where, unlike those others, our government truly represented the interests of our people rather than the interests of a dominant alien clique and a decadent upper class? Why were our work camps, which we proposed as a more humane alternative to the concrete prisons and gulags of the liberal democracies and the communist state, described as barbaric? Why were our prisoners of war and avowed enemies of our people described as "slave labourers" and not simply "enemies whom we would have labour rather than sit idly in a prison cell"? Do not even honest free men labour from the time of the sunrise to the time of the sunset? What should one do with captured combatants, saboteurs, arsonists, assassins, and criminals? What was the hyperbolic term for those from among our folk who were captured and put to work in the United States and England and the Soviet Union? Does such a term even exist?

We wanted to control our own territory, our own land. We wanted to reap the fruits of our own labour, rather than have them siphoned away by by an alien community whose ethnic laws instructed them to hate and enslave or destroy all other peoples they came into contact with. We wanted to control our own genetic and reproductive assets. These things mean life. Without the ability to control resources and territory, peoples go extinct. Nothing healthy wants to die. We did not want to die. And yet we were marked to die.

What solution were we supposed to arrive at with the troubles they forced upon us? They would not let us act in peace. They would not let our people be joined as one. If we could be expelled by the millions from our ancient homes in the Sudetenland or Yugoslavia or Russia, why were we not allowed to apply this option to those aliens who lived in our own land, a procedure which we had attempted to follow without violence? What normal people, what healthy people, allow those to reside in their ancient homelands who mock them, who steal from them, who insult them, who deny their right to speech, who devastate the landscape, and who put everyone from infants to the elderly into bondage? What normal people would refuse to take measures to protect themselves from others who were guilty of murdering and torturing millions in the lands adjacent to theirs? None. So we did what we had to do. We did what any sane people would do. Why are we not viewed historically the same as others who also did what they had to do? Is it due to the magnitude of our revolt? Is it due to the immense power the victors still wield? Yes, those are the only answers. True revolts, like ours, must be suppressed forever.

We believed we could make a Europe, and then a world, free from chains. We were naïve to think we could make it work. Our enemies were slavers. From the time we first appeared on the world historical scene, we have not been slavers. Our masters knew they could not survive in such a world as we envisioned, one where they were stripped of their slave-wealth. Thus we were destroyed, shot, burned, and cowed. Those that remained after the mass murder were poisoned, tortured, degraded, humiliated and starved.

All we wanted was for our people to be safe and united in our ancient lands, the lands that had always been ours. To hear the greatest colonial nations in the history of mankind accuse our folk of wanting to conquer the world is bitterly funny. To hear these murderous wreckers of cultures describe our folk as lusting for war solely for war's sake is bitterly funny. To hear today’s nations of sub-literate, self-hating thralls pass judgment on our accomplished people is bitterly funny. Hundreds of millions swallow the fantasies concocted by the victors, too lazy to ever research what our movement was about and too stupid to realise what our loss meant not only for us, but for themselves. These increasingly impoverished hordes accept as truth the audacious lies told about us because we have been portrayed by our victorious enemies exactly as the type of men we struggled against. The description of our struggle is simple. We were slaves in our own homeland, fighting against foreign masters.

People died. Is morality to be somehow measured by the number of deaths of one’s enemies? Then we are saints when compared to the actions of those who waged war on us. We will always pale alongside these fanatical slaughterers. These great men of peace became men of peace when, exactly? These great defenders of freedom became defenders of freedom when? What was the date, where was the place? Where had their bloody fingers not pried before they turned their attentions to us? What peoples had not been broken and shackled by their lust for power? Where is the peace they promised the world after they slaughtered us? England. France. The Soviet Union. The United States. What had those who ruled these nations done not just to the native inhabitants of their own lands but to the rest of the world’s peoples? Since our defeat, how many states, how many other groups on this earth have been subsequently bombed, tortured, raped, mangled, and economically enslaved by these nations? These invaders are the peace lovers that have passed judgment on us? These are the nations that write the history of our people’s struggle? Does no one see us as yet one more tribe in a long line of conquests by these slavers, just another people to be crushed and harnessed to their banks and economic systems? Does no one look at the wretched state of the current world forged by these victor nations and realise that we were the only ones who tried to stop this miserable future from arriving? We fought Bolshevism. We fought capitalism. We fought globalism. No more starvation of the poor. No more robbing the middle classes. No more torture of animals. No more environmental degradation. No more generational enslavement through debt. No more insanity.

The peoples of colour, those whom the cultureless whites worship today out of arrogance and pity, admired us then and admire us still. From Native Americans to colonised Hindoos to subjugated Arabs to impoverished Africans, we were cheered across the world, and where today they despise the whites, yesterday they had much respect for the Aryan. The German Aryan had no history of hating other races. We had no history of enslaving other races. The Jew who waged war on us had thousands of years of codified race hatred and thousands of years of enslaving others behind him. We wanted him out of our lands and our lives. His hatred for us, his hatred for humanity, was too much for us. Many non-white peoples saw in us a nation as desirous of throwing off a yoke as they themselves were. They saw in us a nation that had struggled against the forces of oppression and succeeded for a time. The England and France and Soviet Union and United States these colonised coloured peoples battled in the 1960s were the same nations that had waged vicious war on our own people two decades previously. No matter the game played by the two phony sides of capitalist and communist in the divvying up of the resources of the Third World, it was clear to those few of us that remained that the coloured peoples’ desire for national liberation was the same as ours had been. We too had fought as anti-colonial nationalists. The fight of the Hindoo people was ours. The fight of the African people was ours. The fight of the Vietnamese people was ours. The fight of the Afghani people was ours. The fight of the Palestinian people was ours. The fight of all indigenes was ours. And still to this day the deracinated whites, worthiest of all the world’s slaves, march and demand freedom for these colonised peoples of colour, refusing to acknowledge that our own European tribes fought the same common enemy.

These whites refuse to see our people as also having been occupied and exploited by a rapacious foreign invader. They refuse to see our families as equal victims of criminal exploitation and subjugation. Our self-defence in the Second World War will only ever be described by whites as offence, indeed, can only ever be understood by them as offence. They will not accept that we had to attack in order to defend. They talk of Polish deaths, as if we had not our own people being murdered in Poland before we moved to protect them. They talk of French deaths, as if our children were not freezing to death in hovels while the minority rulers of France plundered our national coal reserves. They talk of Russian deaths, as if our own folk had not been ethnically purged in that land prior to our defensive domestic uprising. They talk of Ashkenazi deaths, as if these people had not murdered tens of millions of the Slavic peoples of Eastern Europe immediately prior to our revolt and were bringing this same aboriginal slaughter to our own land. The muddleheaded whites, swallowing lying propaganda for eighty years now, choose a single date in time, September 1, 1939, in order to begin their childish narrative of good and evil, refusing to look at the circumstances and events before this date, preferring to believe that our aggression was unwarranted and in no way rooted in the realities of what we had experienced prior to our desperate uprising.

Why do they never want to hear of our suffering? Must we truly be set apart from the whole world? Is the power of corporate propaganda that strong? Are their minds that weak? Is it not possible that our cause was legitimate? Was there truly no one at all clamoring for our blood, screaming for the chains to be reshackled about our ankles after we had politically broken them off? Why, when the deracinated whites praise the rapacious government at Weimar, can it not be acknowledged that great pain was visited on many innocent people due to the policies of this so-called democratic system, a front for the predatory forces of international capitalists? Is it so difficult to understand that tens of millions of fellow human beings suffered? Why, when condemning our people’s struggle for survival, can it not be acknowledged what the nations we struggled against had done, not just to us, but to their own citizens? Why can it not be acknowledged, as it is by all honest thinkers, that a people must act differently during times of war than during times of peace? Why the blind spots in the moral vision of these hypocritical white wretches?

We were different than the English. We were different than the Americans. We gave hope to the poor and the disenfranchised of our land. We defended the defenceless from foreign and domestic predation and exploitation. We lifted the labourer and the craftsman, the unemployed and the hungry. We gave back to our people an identity, a name, and a culture, all of which are needed for survival among the various subspecies of man at this point in his evolution. We did what a government should do for its citizens. The current international régime, as it has from the beginning, pays mere lip service to these common men and women, the eternally exploited lower classes and workers. Around the world they were used as a bludgeon against the governments of one nation-state after another, and then, with the victory of those who used them, they were discarded. The men and women of labour meant nothing to our rulers then, and they mean nothing now. They will never mean anything to their masters. But they meant something to us. They were our people. They were our family.

We offered the once proud tribes of Europe another way. They would, as centuries earlier, be united, but under a different name than they once bore. No longer would they be Christians. No longer would they have to believe foreign myths, no longer were great portions of their lives to be spent swallowing lies, but instead their energies could be turned, finally, to greater things. We wanted to leave behind the realm of nihilism we had entered with the introduction of science and industry and find solace and relevance in the depths of our people. We wanted to discover truth in who we were and in our own tales. We wished to turn our brilliantly constructed churches and cathedrals into celestial observatories where we would gaze and wonder at the infinite splendour of the universe and where we would be inspired to imagine the new possibilities open to a revitalised mankind. We wanted to transform our former houses of worship into something where our genius and beauty could still be appreciated, but where the outmoded creed of superstitious slavery could be discarded. Just as we had resanctified ourselves, we would resanctify these temples of ours, giving them new relevance in a changed world. We failed. Now, after our loss, they stand nearly emptied of Europeans, each formerly sacred structure a generation away from the fate of the Hagia Sofia.

Never forget how glorious was our revolution. With force of will, and genius of innovation and organisation, we nearly threw off the heavy chains of usury and industry. By healing our body politic we were creating an environment where no economic or cultural parasite could survive to harm our families. Our nation was becoming so healthy that our exploiters were being forced out like a splinter from the finger. Oh, how these cruel destroyers, who for centuries had only looked down on others in order to dominate them, must have felt to be bested by an accomplished people who now looked down upon them with equal disdain. And not only in our land was this revolution happening. The desire to obtain the health which our people had gained through severity and discipline was spreading through the world. Just as Christianity arose from reforming Jews and spread to the masses, our movement, which was far more than a supposed political movement, arose from revolutionary members of our own Aryan tribe and began to spread as well. Suffering majority populations and prescient minority populations from France to China had seen and felt the bondage imposed on their people by the wielders of filthy finance capitalism. They had witnessed the brutal physical torture inflicted by the communists in Russia and Germany and Hungary. We chose not to silently suffer the chains. Across Europe, then across the world, peoples began to join our struggle and proclaim an end to their bondage. For one of the rare times in history, whole nations were becoming truly free.

They were stopped, as you know. All of us were stopped. All who wanted to stand as human beings and to no longer bow as broken beasts were destroyed. They took everything from us, anywhere we were in the world. All the wealth we had wrested from the earth over millennia was now theirs. All of our fantastic achievements, unparalleled in every field, never attained by any other folk, were smashed or stolen and put in the service of subjugating still more peoples. And even as they ripped the flesh from our limbs, maimed us, starved us, beat us, gang raped us, and hung us, they proclaimed us evil. We deserved the bombings and burnings of our villages and towns and families, for we were evil. When we were forced to cut rations for enemy prisoners because of the shortage of food brought on by the aerial attacks, we were proclaimed evil. When we attempted to fight the spread of lice and disease in our camps of hostiles, we were proclaimed evil. No matter our course of action we were evil, and would be for as long as we existed.

We knew that there was no such thing as this word. We knew that it was only a motivator for bloodthirsty simpletons to assail us and believe they were doing something noble. Evil was and still is merely a convenient term, wielded as a weapon by those at the helm of media and government when they begin to covet the land and belongings of other people, evil people. There is no evil among lifeforms on this earth. There is only struggle for resources and territory and the necessity of survival. It took all the rabid slaves on this planet, but our masters finally succeeded. They conquered us. They murdered us. They eliminated evil, proclaiming the world safe.

And after that? What did the victor states do then? What have they given the world since they slit our throats and razed our cities and our culture? Look around you. Look at the filth in the seas and the deserts. Look at the family farmers driven to suicide. Look at the overflowing hospitals. Look at the dirty skies. Look at the brutal police. Look at the drugged citizenry. Look at the industrial slaughter of animals. Look at the fragmented ecosystems. Look at the mechanised killing machines. Look at the sickness and disease of the people. Look at the poisoned crops. Look at the whoredom. Look at the everyday violence. Look at the depleted oceans. Look at the toxic water. Look at the butchered woodlands. Look at the war without end. Look at the dwindling wildlife. Look at the fiscal bondage. Look at the debasement of humanity. Look at the eradication of aboriginal peoples. Look at the rotting earth. Look at the shambles. Look at it all. This is what the victors have done. This is what they have given us.

The democratic white masses, these content slaves, scratch their empty heads. They see that something is wrong with the present, yet they know not why. They complain about corporate and governmental transgressions against the environment and the populace, but have no power to stop these assaults. They do not understand where power comes from. Our people fought for power. Only force can stop force, we knew. We gained power, and we used it to try to stop the destroyers. We tried, like no other people on earth, to stop this nightmare world from arriving. Yet when it comes to our memory and our heroic deeds these masses shout as house slaves on an American plantation, screaming for the capture of a fellow bondsman when he makes his escape, and cheering for the reshackling of chains once he is caught and made captive once again. Those who are slaves by nature always encourage and support the suppression of revolts by their fellow slaves.

There have been few times in the history of the world where one could truly say, "Today, things are better for us than yesterday." For millions of labourers and farmers in Germany and Italy and throughout Europe, such a time arrived. Our lives became better than they had been. Our governments finally cared for us, and the men at the helm of these governments no longer exploited us. Then it was all taken away. Today we, and the indigenous revolution we brought about, are condemned by the same people who dropped nuclear bombs on the Japanese, executed Ukrainians and Russians and Central Asians by the tens of millions, sprayed chemicals on the Koreans, firebombed the Serbians, and tortured Arabs and Persians. We are condemned by people who have filled their countryside with industrial nightmares and cancerous pollution. We are condemned by people whose cities froth with murder and rape. We are condemned by a people who commit crimes against the whole world. These are the ones who defame our culture and movement.

The words spat out by bloodthirsty slavers and parroted by ignorant vassals mean nothing to us. They cannot judge us. They can never judge us, for that is reserved for our own folk, and we alone. The low can never explain the actions and motivations of the high, for they do not understand them. The doings of men are forever incomprehensible to pebbles. Those Westerners who are unable to recognise the true meaning of our struggle against the Ashkenazi exploiter in Europe deserve the fate they suffer today. Those who call us criminals due to our rebellion deserve to reap the pain they have helped sow. Remember, our people are guilty of only one crime, and one alone.

Losing.

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In the aftermath of our genocide we few that remained found ourselves not only in a state of exile but hounded everywhere. We were landless and friendless. The slavers had taken the world as theirs. The obedient slaves were riled. They thirsted for our blood, attacking us as routinely as savage victors have always attacked conquered peoples. We were hunted. We were humiliated. We had nothing and no one but ourselves.

Still, even that bit of blood that remained was precious. If we had that, we had a chance. After all, they could not possibly think that we would just go away. Did they truly believe that the few survivors of our holocaust would forget what had happened to us? Did they truly believe that we would not eventually regroup, reevaluate, and act? We are one of the most accomplished people ever to walk this planet. We would not just simply fade. The genocide and destruction was devastating, true, unlike anything there had ever been in man’s time on earth, but our very first realisation was that it had been necessary. Few among us or among the nations of the world would have ever believed the hellish reality these victors could bring forth in just a handful of decades. Without witnessing this global dungeon, without seeing the reality of our enemy’s imperious worldview made manifest, many of our own people would have grown complacent. The struggle would have ceased and softness would have entered our society. Now, from the vantage point of the present dystopia, the diverse peoples of the world can look at the victor who stands with his boot on their neck, wielding sceptre and club, and can recognise that someone once actually opposed this psychopathic ruler. We fought him then, and we survived to fight him today.

What we had to do, we realised, even before our final prisoners had been marched off to die in the ice of the Soviet Union or starve in the muddy fields of democracy, even before the last babies were burned to tiny skeletons by the firebombs of liberation and the last little girls and old women were gang raped by the forces of freedom, was to change our whole mindset. As a man views the world differently at fourteen than he does at thirty-four, having undergone various rebirths in one lifetime, so too would we. Our previous methods were no longer looked at as being effective. Everything had changed. We would not be able to step into the same river twice, for our nation-states and their technological apparatus would be quickly destroyed. Any attempted traditional revolution would be stamped out, we knew, so we had to be realistic. We knew they would try to eliminate every last one of us. So we had to hide. We had to infiltrate.

We had to blend. We had to fight a different war. We had to follow a different path. All religions come and go. Ours would go, for a time. We would absorb loss as equally as we had victory.

By the hundreds select young men and women of ours, fanatics, joined the ranks of the communists active within our country, increasing the numbers of those we had already planted before there was even rumour of war. They joined partisan groups against our soldiers. They were put in our prison camps and became natural leaders. In every capitalist slaver nation we had scores of sympathisers and supporters. They were our racial kin and our religious kin, those who would have broken the alien bankers’ shackles on their nations and led humanity out of its bondage. They knew, like we knew, that our people had to dissolve and re-form. Seeing the futility in openly opposing our masters, we decided to only ever assist them in their inclinations and instincts. Their ways would bring death and suffering, as they always had. This we knew. This is what we wanted. We had tried to have our own states, places for our people to have peace and justice. Our dream had failed. Now we would take our revenge by assisting these slaughterers as they slowly turned on each other. We would help them commit suicide.

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With our defeat and subsequent return to slave status came acceptance, realisation, and opportunity. We were defeated, we understood, not solely due to the strength of our enemies. We were defeated because we were weak ourselves. If something can be destroyed, then it will be destroyed. This is the way of life. Our enemy tore our burgeoning German culture down, so we knew it had to be built better the next time. Certainly it was the strongest rooted national culture of any of our racial kin around the world. We had learned from our Ashkenazi competitors how to make every aspect of this culture extol the genius of its creators. We had managed, as strong peoples do, to absorb different ethnicities into our national body over time, fusing them into the common cultural steel of our people. Many more ethnic kin, isolated by language and cultural nationalism, had not been able to be absorbed. With our victory this would have happened. Now it is happening in loss. Just as fire is necessary for the health of the world, destroying what can be destroyed and returning the nutrients to the soil for eventual rebirth, so was our loss necessary to the cultural world of the European peoples. Today, the Celt and the Slav, the Nordic and the Latin, when they are not actively feeding the Ashkenazi organism, are again becoming as one. The men and women of these clans who are aware of their shared ancient identity look to that Germanic culture of accomplishment and defiance that arose in Central Europe and spread across continents. Today they are intermingling and merging into what they must become in order to defend themselves against the assassins, usurers, pimps, slavers, polluters, warmongers, pornographers, and torturers who once again dominate the world. They gather in defence, and all systems of defence, once established, become ones of offence.

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In the beginning our plan was not as developed as it would become. Few, however, suspected us. In our different safe positions throughout conquered Europe we had some success in accusing and having executed those whom we knew had only joined our uprising later, out of opportunism rather than belief. We were also able at times to protect valuable comrades who had been true supporters of our biological and cultural revolution, proclaiming with authoritative voices that they were not important enough for excessive punishment. These men and women eventually came to our side, as over the years, after the requisite controls, we stealthily revealed ourselves to them. Still, the numbers were small. Yet over time, as the various ethnicities of our one Aryan people began to coalesce, due to our marriages, and the intermarriages of our children, our plan took shape as definitely as our revitalised European people once had. Those of you receiving this communiqué, being the proper age, and already knowing much from your families, will now learn more.

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