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A young woman talks to Sima Kotecha about how her boyfriend's pornography habit led to him abusing her when she was 13
NSPCC's head of sexual abuse programmes, Jon Brown, says he is "not surprised" at the survey's findings
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By Patrick Howse Education reporter
A tenth of 12 to 13-year-olds fear they are "addicted" to pornography, an NSPCC ChildLine survey has concluded .
One in five of nearly 700 youngsters surveyed said they had seen pornographic images that had shocked or upset them, researchers found .
The charity also says that 12% of those surveyed said they had taken part in, or had made, a sexually explicit video .
It says that viewing porn is "a part of everyday life" for many of the children who contact its helpline .
ChildLine has launched a campaign to raise awareness and provide advice to young people about the harmful implications of an over exposure to porn following the survey results .
One boy under the age of 15 told ChildLine that he was "always watching porn, and some of it is quite aggressive" .
He said: "I didn't think it was affecting me at first but I've started to view girls a bit differently recently and it's making me worried .
"I would like to get married in the future but I'm scared it might never happen if I carry on thinking about girls the way I do ."
A girl, who is now 17, told the BBC that she was sexually assaulted by her boyfriend when they were both 12 years old .
"He thought it was OK on some level," she said .
"Pornography isn't just a 10-minute video - it has consequences ."
The ChildLine Fight Against Porn Zombies (FAPZ) campaign uses a series of animations looking at the implications of overexposure to porn for boys and girls .
The animations link to a range of information and advice to help young people understand the effects of replicating pornographic content in real life and to protect them from putting themselves at risk .
Peter Liver, director of ChildLine, said that it was important to talk openly about the issue .
"Children of all ages today have easy access to a wide range of pornography," he said . "If we as a society shy away from talking about this issue, we are failing the thousands of young people it is affecting .
"We know from the young people who contact ChildLine that viewing porn is a part of everyday life, and our poll shows that one in five 12 to 13-year-olds thinks that watching porn is normal behaviour .
"They tell ChildLine that watching porn is making them feel depressed, giving them body image issues, and making them feel pressured to engage in sexual acts they're not ready for ."
He welcomed the announcement last week of plans to teach children from the age of 11 about rape and sexual consent as part of personal, social and health education (PSHE) in schools .
"Our campaign clearly complements this proposal," he said .
"Across society, we need to remove the embarrassment and shame that exists around talking about porn - which is why we are launching this activity and helping young people to make more informed choices ."
Dame Esther Rantzen, ChildLine's founder, said it was shocking that children as young as 11 are approaching the helpline with concerns about pornography .
"Young people are turning to the internet to learn about sex and relationships," she said .
"We know they are frequently stumbling across porn, often unintentionally, and they are telling us very clearly that this is having a damaging and upsetting effect on them .
"Girls in particular have said they feel like they have to look and behave like porn stars to be liked by boys ."
Dame Esther said that improved education was vital .
"We absolutely have to talk to young people about sex, love, respect and consent as soon as we feel they are ready, to ensure that they gain a proper perspective between real-life relationships and the fantasy world of porn," she said .
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Porn addiction: 10% of 12-13 year olds worried about habits
Porn addiction: 10% of 12-13 year olds worried about habits Close
One in ten children between the ages of 12 and 13 are worried that they are "addicted" to watching pornography .
One in five members of the same age group think watching explicit content is normal, according to a study by children's charity NSPCC .
The charity has launched a campaign to give advice to young people about the potentially harmful effects of watching adult material .
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The Florida Project is not poverty porn, say makers . But it might be film of the year
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American critics have fallen over themselves to shower praise upon The Florida Project , a story told mostly through the eyes of young kids even as it's about the most adult themes imaginable: poverty, sex work, drugs and domestic violence .
"Raw, exuberant and utterly captivating," Justin Chang wrote of this Day-Glo-hued slice of dirty realism in the Los Angeles Times . "Risky and revelatory", said A .O . Scott in The New York Times . "One of the finest films of 2017," said Ty Burr in The Boston Globe .
But it has had its critics too, among them Silver Screen Beat 's Sam Mauro , who accused the movie of "a naive sort of exploitation" .
That's a charge I also heard levelled against it by a distributor I spoke to in Cannes, where the film debuted to a rapturous response in May . "I hated it," he told me . "It's just so exploitative . Poverty porn ." Needless to say, he didn't buy it .
Scooty (Christopher Rivera), Moonee (Brooklynn Prince) and Jancey (Valeria Cotto) roam the badlands in The Florida Project . Credit: Marc Schmidt
It's a charge I put to director Sean Baker and his co-writer Chris Bergoch in a beachside marquee after the screening – a charge that seemed to genuinely surprise them .
"We reached out to the local population in casting," says Baker . "We did our best to do background [character] casting from the motels, so we were able to give these people money . We were doing our best that we could within the structure of filmmaking ."
The film is set in The Magic Castle, a bright purple motel just down the road from Disney World . This is a place where the desperately poor live on week-to-week terms, with families crowded into single rooms, their casual work bringing in just enough to get by – until it doesn't .
Three kids – Scooty (Christopher Rivera), Moonee (Brooklynn Prince) and Jancey (Valeria Cotto) – hold centre stage, running riot through the motel complex, dodging traffic to cross the highway in search of new adventures, setting fire to abandoned houses . School is little more than a rumour, order unknown, parental role-modelling virtually non-existent (or worse) .
Bria Vinaite is young single mother Halley, and Brooklynn Prince her daughter Moonee . Credit: Marc Schmidt
Prince and Cotto were stars in the making, but Rivera came from a motel family, as did many of the minor characters . "We saw it as delicate, of course," Baker says . "You're asking people to play a version of themselves . But we also saw it as what could be a tremendous opportunity for him, to help his family get out of the motels ."
The closest the kids have to a responsible adult in their lives is Bobby (Willem Dafoe), the put-upon motel manager torn between compassion and compliance . Dafoe – the only professional actor in the cast – was crucial to the project, in more ways than one . "When you're dealing with film financiers who are putting up a lot of money, you need at least one name in there," says Baker, whose previous film was Tangerine , a day in the life of transgender sex workers in Los Angeles . It was, famously, shot entirely on an iPhone 5 .
Willem Dafoe as motel manager Bobby . Credit: Harryson Thevenin
"Willem really got it . He came to Florida early, he spent time meeting motel managers . There was one in particular who sat down with him and he just absorbed it . Afterwards he came to us with a list of props he needed . 'I need this Swatch, I need this necklace, I want these sunglasses' ."
Dafoe is never one to shy from a challenge, and working with a cast of first-timers was certainly that . "They don't have a method, they don't understand how to repeat action for continuity's sake," says Baker . "He was so patient ."
Sean Baker (right) directs The Florida Project . Credit: Harryson Thevenin
Bria Vinaite, who plays Halley, mother of Moonee, was another who had never before acted (though she did have a healthy social media presence – Baker first considered her for the role after seeing her on Instagram) .
She'd been making clothes before this . "It was a marijuana brand – I was making like bikinis with pot leaves on them, and little hats and shirts," she says . "My mom was so against it at first but once it started making money and supporting me she was like 'good for you' . You can't really knock it once it starts making money ."
Just like being discovered and cast in a movie without much by way of experience?
"It's insane for this to be my first project and for it to come here and for it to get such an amazing response," she says . "It feels like a dream, better than anything I could have imagined . I feel like I need to send them a gift basket, because they literally handed me a career ."
Vinaite is a New Yorker, not a Floridian, and says her life is "definitely not" like that of her character . Then again, she says, "there are some parts that are similar – she's a fun girl, she loves to dance, she loves to smoke weed, she's struggling, you know, and I feel like everyone can relate to that no matter how they were brought up .
"I wouldn't parent as she does, but I feel that because she had Moonee so young it's more of a best-friend type of situation than a mother-daughter . She's still trying . She doesn't have the opportunities that other people have so you can't knock her for trying to provide for her daughter, no matter how she does it ."
Halley's methods include a variety of scams – selling fake perfume in the parking lots of upmarket hotels, hawking stolen Disney World entry bracelets, dining off meals spirited out of a takeaway restaurant by Jancey's mother, a waitress – until, in an act of appalling desperation, she starts turning tricks in her motel room while her daughter is confined to the bath tub .
That scene is horrifying, which is as it should be, says Baker . "She's a 22-year-old uneducated woman with no support system, no family, who probably has had every opportunity taken away from her . And she has no way out . We've met the real Halleys, we know this exists . If anyone has a problem with this, I'd like to introduce them to the real Halleys ."
The Florida Project is the final film in what Baker and Bergoch refer to as their "sex worker trilogy", following Tangerine (2015) and Starlet (2012), which starred Mariel Hemingway's daughter Dree as a porn actress who befriends an elderly woman living alone . All strive to put a human face on a part of society more often commodified or simply ignored .
Baker says he is fascinated with the "underground economy" of the United States, to which "so many people are having to resort because of the growing class divide" .
The idea for The Florida Project came when Bergoch stumbled upon the phenomenon of poverty motels while visiting his mother after she moved down south . Researching the topic, he and Baker soon discovered the same situation on the other coast (incidentally, in the shadow of Disneyland) and elsewhere across the country .
There had been reports, they discovered, and even an HBO documentary, but they felt they could take this story about America's hidden underclass to the world in an entirely different way by making the kids the focus .
"What was interesting to us," Bergoch says, "was that the kids, despite their background, were having just as much fun playing tag or hide-and-go-seek in a parking lot as the kids that might be paying $150 to go to the theme parks . They were making their own rides with their imaginations, and we felt that was always a central element of the story ."
In other words, it's not just a portrait of poverty, it's also a study of how people make their own joy within that space?
The Florida Project opens on December 21 .


Journal List BMJ Open v .4(8); 2014 PMC4156810

Published online 2014 Aug 1 . doi: 10 .1136/bmjopen-2014-004996
Faculty of Public Health and Policy, London School of Hygiene & Tropical Medicine, London, UK
Correspondence to Dr Cicely Marston; ku .ca .mthsl@notsraM .yleciC
Received 2014 Feb 4; Revised 2014 Apr 25; Accepted 2014 May 23 .
Copyright Published by the BMJ Publishing Group Limited . For permission to use (where not already granted under a licence) please go to group .bmj .com/group/rights-licensing/permissions
This is an Open Access article distributed in accordance with the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY 3 .0) license, which permits others to distribute, remix, adapt and build upon this work, for commercial use, provided the original work is properly cited . See: creativecommons .org/licenses/by/3 .0/
This article has been cited by other articles in PMC .
GUID: 2968ECA9-B3AB-4267-AB2F-9351DDA79B1E
GUID: 9A84D6FA-66CC-4290-BF7F-2A8EC6646F14
Keywords: Sexual health, Young adults, Anal sex, Qualitative Research
Strengths and limitations of this study
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To explore expectations, experiences and circumstances of anal sex among young people .
Qualitative, longitudinal study using individual and group interviews .
130 men and women aged 16–18 from diverse social backgrounds .
3 contrasting sites in England (London, a northern industrial city, rural southwest) .
Anal heterosex often appeared to be painful, risky and coercive, particularly for women . Interviewees frequently cited pornography as the ‘explanation’ for anal sex, yet their accounts revealed a complex context with availability of pornography being only one element . Other key elements included competition between men; the claim that ‘people must like it if they do it’ (made alongside the seemingly contradictory expectation that it will be painful for women); and, crucially, normalisation of coercion and ‘accidental’ penetration . It seemed that men were expected to persuade or coerce reluctant partners .
Young people's narratives normalised coercive, painful and unsafe anal heterosex . This study suggests an urgent need for harm reduction efforts targeting anal sex to help encourage discussion about mutuality and consent, reduce risky and painful techniques and challenge views that normalise coercion .
This study uses a large qualitative sample from three diverse sites in England and is the first to capture a wide range of circumstances around and reasons for engaging in anal sex among men and women between the ages of 16 and 18 .
Analysis explores experiences in depth, going beyond simplistic explanations linking motivations for anal sex with pornography .
The study shows that young people's narratives about anal sex contained ideas normalising coercive, painful and unsafe anal sex . These ideas could be addressed in health promotion work .
This study was conducted in England and further work is needed to assess the extent to which similar discourses operate among young people in other countries .
Anal sex is increasingly prevalent among young people, yet anal intercourse between men and women—although commonly depicted in sexually explicit media—is usually absent from mainstream sexuality education and seems unmentionable in many social contexts .
Surveys suggest that young men and women—and older adults—are engaging in anal intercourse more than ever before . 1–4 Sexually explicit media depictions are often mentioned as affecting how sex is viewed and practised by young people, 5–7 with anal intercourse being one of the ‘high risk’ practices thought to be promoted by such media, 8
9 although evidence about the influence of pornography on anal practices is thin . 5 Studies of anal practices, which are generally of over-18-year-olds, 10–12 suggest that anal sex might be desired by young men more than women and may be used to avoid pregnancy, 12
13 or vaginal intercourse during menstruation, 12 while often being unprotected with condoms . 12–14 It may be painful for women, 12
13
15 and may be a pleasurable part of sex for men and women . 16
17 Almost one in five 16–24 year-olds (19% of men and 17% of women) reported having had anal intercourse in the past year in a recent national survey in Britain . 4
Very little is known about the detailed circumstances around or reasons for engaging in anal sex among under-18-year-olds anywhere, or what implications these might have for health . This study looks in detail at anal practices among young people aged 18 and under, develops hypotheses for further study and makes suggestions for sexual health promotion .
The narratives about anal heterosex presented here emerged as part of a longitudinal, qualitative mixed methods study (the ‘sixteen18’ project) which explored the range and meaning of different sexual activities among a diverse sample of 130 young people aged 16–18 in three contrasting locations in England: London; a medium-sized northern industrial city and a rural area in the southwest . From January 2010, we conducted 9 group interviews and 71 depth interviews (wave one: 37 women and 34 men), re-interviewing 43 of the depth interviewees 1 year later (wave two), until June 2011 . The London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine Research Ethics Committee approved the study and all participants provided written consent .
For the depth interviews, we used purposive sampling to maximise variation in social background . Within each location, we sampled from a range of settings including: schools/colleges; youth work services targeting young people not in education or training; youth organisations; a supported housing project for young people living independently from their families; and informal networks . We also used ‘snowball’ sampling and, in the rural southwest, we approached people directly in a town centre . The sample was diverse in terms of economic and social background, and less diverse in terms of ethnicity (most participants were white British) . See Lewis et al 18 for further details . We highlighted in our information leaflet and our conversations with potential interviewees that we were keen to speak to any young person, whatever their experiences . Although participants varied in terms of the range of activities they had experienced, and the number and nature of their sexual partnerships, the majority reported opposite-sex partners only .
In the depth interviews, we asked interviewees about what sexual practices they had engaged in, the circumstances of those practices and how they felt about them . We deliberately left ‘sexual practices’ undefined, to allow for young people's own definitions to emerge . In the group discussions, we asked general questions about what practices they had heard of, their attitudes to those practices and whether they thought young people their age would generally engage in particular practices, and if so, under what circumstances . Many of our interviewees talked about anal sexual practices unprompted (whether they had engaged in them or not) and so in wave two, we specifically asked all of our participants about their perception and, if relevant, their experience of anal practices (about a quarter of our in-depth interviewees reported anal sexual experiences) . Our aim was to explore the key discourses surrounding anal sexual practices among this age group and to elicit detailed accounts of specific experiences .
We recorded and transcribed all interviews . We used iterative thematic analysis 19 to develop our understanding of the data . This involved ‘coding’ transcripts 19 and extensive discussions between researchers to come to a shared interpretation of young people's accounts of anal sex, taking into consideration our own characteristics (eg, white, middle-class women older than the interviewees) and how these may have affected the data collected . We made constant comparisons across cases and themes, and sought ‘deviant cases’ to challenge our emerging interpretations . Throughout the analysis, we simultaneously engaged with theoretical literature to put the work in context .
We use unique identifier pseudonyms throughout . Quotations are from one-to-one interviews unless otherwise indicated, with omissions marked […] .
Anal practices reported usually involved penetration or attempted penetration by the man with his penis or finger and, with one exception, were between opposite-sex partners . Anal practices generally occurred between young men and women in ‘boyfriend/girlfriend’ relationships . Although a small minority of interviewees said anal sex (ie, penetration with a penis) was exclusively ‘gay’, it was widely understood as also occurring between men and women .
Initial anal sexual experiences were rarely narrated in terms of mutual exploration of sexual pleasure . Women reported painful anal sex:
As soon as the whole incident happened where he didn't warn me it just hurt . It was just pain [ laugh ] . It was just like: no . No one could possibly enjoy that . It was just horrible […] I guess he could have used lube, maybe that would have helped, but I don't know . Apparently if you're tense it hurts more, I guess, which makes sense really, but I don't see how you couldn't be tense [ laugh ] in that kind of situation . (Emma)
Young men in our study, while often keen on anal sex in principle, were sometimes unenthusiastic about the physical reality: “I thought it was going to be a lot better to be honest” (Ali); “sometimes it does feel better [than vaginal sex] but I wouldn't say I preferred it” (Max) .
From the young people's accounts, it seems that condoms were not often used, and when they were it was usually for basic hygiene, not sexually transmitted infection (STI) prevention: “so you don't get shit on your dick” (Carl) . Some interviewees incorrectly stated that anal STI transmission was impossible, or less likely than for vaginal intercourse .
There were marked gender differences in how anal sex was described: its benefits (pleasure, indicator of sexual achievement) were expected for men but not women; its risks—interviewees rarely mentioned risks of STIs, focusing instead on risk of pain or damaged reputation—were expected for women but not me
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