Philippines buying Heroin

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Philippines buying Heroin

At least 2, of the killings have been attributed to the Philippine National Police. Duterte and other senior officials have instigated and incited the killings in a campaign that could amount to crimes against humanity. Human Rights Watch research has found that police are falsifying evidence to justify the unlawful killings. Despite growing calls for an investigation, Duterte has vowed to continue the campaign. You drug pushers, holdup men, and do-nothings, you better get out because I'll kill you. President Marcos Should Cooperate with Investigation. President Marcos Jr. Questions and Answers from Human Rights Watch. Countries Africa All Africa. Burkina Faso. Central African Republic. Democratic Republic of Congo. Equatorial Guinea. Eswatini formerly Swaziland. Sierra Leone. South Africa. South Sudan. Americas All Americas. Costa Rica. Dominican Republic. El Salvador. Asia All Asia. China and Tibet. Myanmar Burma. North Korea. Papua New Guinea. South Korea. Sri Lanka. Bosnia and Herzegovina. Czech Republic. European Union. Holy See. United Kingdom. Saudi Arabia. United Arab Emirates. United States All United States. Criminal Justice. Economic Justice. Racial Justice. US Foreign Policy. Topics Arms. Children's Rights. Crisis and Conflict. Disability Rights. Economic Justice and Rights. Environment and Human Rights. Free Speech. LGBT Rights. Refugees and Migrants. Rights of Older People. International Justice. Technology and Rights. United Nations. Women's Rights. Take Action. Join Us Our Committees. Film Festival. Legacies for Justice. Voices for Justice. About Careers. About Us. Social Media. Human Rights Education. Financials and Fundraising Policy. Give Now Make a One-time Gift. Give Monthly. Gifts in Wills and Trusts. Partners for Justice. Stock or Wire Transfer. Give from Your IRA. Donate Now. English Choose your language. More Languages. Would you like to see a version of this page that loads faster by showing text only? Yes No, don't ask again. Asia October 18, News Release. Asia October 3, News Release. Asia September 5, Dispatches. Daniela Gavshon. Videos Watch more Videos. Play Video. Reports More reports. March 2, Report. May 20, Report. April 6, Report. September 6, Letter. July 21, Commentary. July 18, News Release. June 28, News Release. May 1, Commentary. April 27, News Release. February 13, News Release. October 5, News Release. September 19, Dispatches. Read More. Carlos H. Daily Brief Oct 21,

Profile of Drug Abusers

Philippines buying Heroin

On August 2, , Vanda Felbab-Brown submitted a statement for the record for the House Foreign Affairs Committee on the human rights consequences of the war on drugs in the Philippines. Read her full statement below. However, as an independent think tank, the Brookings Institution does not take institutional positions on any issue. Resulting in egregious and large-scale violations of human rights, it amounts to state-sanctioned murder. It is also counterproductive for countering the threats and harms that the illegal drug trade and use pose to society — exacerbating both problems while profoundly shredding the social fabric and rule of law in the Philippines. The United States and the international community must condemn and sanction the government of the Philippines for its conduct of the war on drugs. With his explicit calls for police to kill drug users and dealers 2 and the vigilante purges Duterte ordered of neighborhoods, 3 almost people accused of drug dealing or drug use were killed in the Philippines in the first year of his government — about one third by police in anti-drug operations. A Reuters investigation revealed that police officers were killing some 97 percent of drug suspects during police raids, 6 an extraordinarily high number and one that many times surpasses accountable police practices. That is hardly surprising, as police officers are not paid any cash rewards for merely arresting suspects. Both police officers and members of neighborhood councils are afraid not to participate in the killing policies, fearing that if they fail to comply they will be put on the kill lists themselves. Similarly, there is widespread suspicion among human rights groups and monitors, 7 reported in regularly in the international press, that the police back and encourage the other extrajudicial killings — with police officers paying assassins or posing as vigilante groups. And yet, far from being an exemplar of public safety and crime-free city, Davao remains the murder capital of the Philippines. In addition to the killings, mass incarceration of alleged drug users is also under way in the Philippines. Many do so out of fear of being killed otherwise. Smart policies for addressing drug retail markets look very different than the violence and state-sponsored crime President Duterte has thrust upon the Philippines. Rather than state-sanctioned extrajudicial killings and mass incarceration, policing retail markets should have several objectives: The first, and most important, is to make drug retail markets as non-violent as possible. Worse yet, the police and extrajudicial killings hide other murders, as neighbors and neighborhood committees put on the list of drug suspects their rivals and people whose land or property they want to steal; thus, anyone can be killed by anyone and then labeled a pusher. The unaccountable en masse prosecution of anyone accused of drug trade involvement or drug use also serves as a mechanism to squash political pluralism and eliminate political opposition. Those who dare challenge President Duterte and his reprehensible policies are accused of drug trafficking charges and arrested themselves. The most prominent case is that of Senator Leila de Lima. But it includes many other lower-level politicians. Without disclosing credible evidence or convening a fair trial, President Duterte has ordered the arrest of scores of politicians accused of drug-trade links; three such accused mayors have died during police arrests, often with many other individuals dying in the shoot-outs. Another crucial goal of drug policy should be to enhance public health and limit the spread of diseases linked to drug use. In prisons, users will not get adequate treatment for either their addiction or their communicable disease. That is the reason why other countries that initially adopted similar draconian wars on drugs such as Thailand in 16 and Vietnam in the same decade 17 eventually tried to backpedal from them, despite the initial popularity of such policies with publics in East Asia. Even though throughout East Asia, tough drug policies toward drug use and the illegal drug trade remain government default policies and often receive widespread support, countries, such as Thailand, Vietnam, and even Myanmar have gradually begun to experiment with or are exploring HARM reduction approaches, such as safe needle exchange programs and methadone maintenance, as the ineffective and counterproductive nature and human rights costs of the harsh war on drugs campaign become evident. Along with Afghanistan, the Philippine HIV infection rate is the highest in Asia, increasing 50 percent between and Further, as Central America has painfully learned in its struggles against street gangs, mass incarceration policies turn prisons into recruiting grounds for organized crime. Given persisting jihadi terrorism in the Philippines, mass imprisonment of low-level dealers and drug traffickers which mix them with terrorists in prisons can result in the establishment of dangerous alliances between terrorists and criminals, as has happened in Indonesia. The mass killings and imprisonment in the Philippines will not dry up demand for drugs: the many people who will end up in overcrowded prisons and poorly-designed treatment centers as is already happening will likely remain addicted to drugs, or become addicts. There is always drug smuggling into prisons and many prisons are major drug distribution and consumption spots. Even when those who surrendered are placed into so-called treatment centers, instead of outright prisons, large problems remain. Many who surrendered do not necessarily have a drug abuse problem as they surrendered preemptively to avoid being killed if they for whatever reason ended up on the watch list. Those who do have a drug addiction problem mostly do not receive adequate care. In China itself, many so-called treatment centers often amounted to de facto prisons or force-labor detention centers, with highly questionable methods of treatment and very high relapse rates. As long as there is demand, supply and retailing will persist, simply taking another form. The dealers and traffickers who will remain on the streets will only be those who can either violently oppose law enforcement and vigilante groups or bribe their way to the highest positions of power. By eliminating low-level, mostly non-violent dealers, Duterte is paradoxically and counterproductively setting up a situation where more organized and powerful drug traffickers and distribution will emerge. Inducing police to engage in de facto shoot-to-kill policies is enormously corrosive of law enforcement, not to mention the rule of law. There is a high chance that the policy will more than ever institutionalize top-level corruption, as only powerful drug traffickers will be able to bribe their way into upper-levels of the Philippine law enforcement system, and the government will stay in business. Moreover, corrupt top-level cops and government officials tasked with such witch-hunts will have the perfect opportunity to direct law enforcement against their drug business rivals as well as political enemies, and themselves become the top drug capos. Unaccountable police officers officially induced to engage in extrajudicial killings easily succumb to engaging in all kinds of criminality, being uniquely privileged to take over criminal markets. Those who should protect public safety and the rule of law themselves become criminals. The issue surfaced visibly and in a way that the government of the Philippines could not simply ignore in January when Philippine drug squad police officers kidnapped a South Korean businessman Jee Ick-joo and extorted his family for money. Jee was ultimately killed inside the police headquarters. President Duterte expressed outrage and for a month suspended the national police from participating in the war on drugs while some police purges took places. Rather than a serious effort to root out corruption, those purges served principally to tighten control over the police. Nor were other accountability and rule of law practices reinforced. Thus when after a month the national police were was asked to resume their role in the war on the drugs, the perverted system slid back into the same human rights violations and other highly detrimental processes and outcomes. The Philippines should adopt radically different approaches: The shoot-to-kill directives to police and calls for extrajudicial killings should stop immediately, as should dragnets against low-level pushers and users. If such orders are issued, prosecutions of any new extrajudicial killings and investigations of encounter killings must follow. In the short term, the existence of pervasive culpability may prevent the adoption of any policy that would seek to investigate and prosecute police and government officials and members of neighborhood councils who have been involved in the state-sanctioned slaughter. If political leadership in the Philippines changes, however, standing up a truth commission will be paramount. In the meantime, however, all existing arrested drug suspects need to be given fair trials or released. Law-enforcement and rule of law components of drug policy designs need to make reducing criminal violence and violent militancy among their highest objectives. The Philippines should build up real intelligence on the drug trafficking networks that President Duterte alleges exist in the Philippines and target their middle operational layers, rather than low-level dealers, as well as their corruption networks in the government and law enforcement. However, the latter must not be used to cover up eliminating rival politicians and independent political voices. To deal with addiction, the Philippines should adopt enlightened harm-reduction measures, including methadone maintenance, safe-needle exchange, and access to effective treatment. No doubt, these are difficult and elusive for methamphetamines, the drug of choice in the Philippines. Meth addiction is very difficult to treat and is associated with high morbidity levels. Instead of turning his country into a lawless Wild East, President Duterte should make the Philippines the center of collaborative East Asian research on how to develop effective public health approaches to methamphetamine addiction. It is imperative that the United States strongly and unequivocally condemns the war on drugs in the Philippines and deploys sanctions until state-sanctioned extrajudicial killings and other state-authorized rule of law violations are ended. In fact, a healthy U. However, the United States must recognize that drug use in the Philippines and East Asia more broadly constitute serious threats to society. Throughout the region, as well as in the Philippines, tough-on-drugs approaches, despite their ineffective outcomes and human rights violations, often remain popular. Fostering an honest and complete public discussion about the pros and cons of various drug policy approaches is a necessary element in creating public demand for accountability of drug policy in the Philippines. Equally important is to develop better public health approaches to dealing with methamphetamine addiction. It is devastating throughout East Asia as well as in the United States, though opiate abuse mortality rates now eclipse methamphetamine drug abuse problems. Meth addiction is very hard to treat and often results in severe morbidity. Yet harm reduction approaches have been predominately geared toward opiate and heroin addictions, with substitution treatments, such as methadone, not easily available for meth and other harm reduction approaches also not directly applicable. What has been happening in the Philippines is tragic and unconscionable. Foreign Policy. Southeast Asia. The human rights consequences of the war on drugs in the Philippines. Sections Sections. Contact Foreign Policy Media Office. Sign Up. Commentary Testimony The human rights consequences of the war on drugs in the Philippines. Vanda Felbab-Brown. Mindanao: Living in the peace of the dead. Will Rodrigo Duterte walk the talk? Joseph Chinyong Liow May 13, Shooting Up. Earth Negotiations. Chasek February 1, Clare Baldwin , Andrew R. Reuters , April 18, Reuters, April 18, More On. Sawhill, Kai Smith July 30, A hotspot anti-crime strategy in Mexico? Mexico A hotspot anti-crime strategy in Mexico? Vanda Felbab-Brown August 27,

Philippines buying Heroin