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Pasig buying Ecstasy

Police identified the suspect as Jade Regalario, a resident of Cainta, Rizal. He was apprehended around p. Regalario was caught in the parking area of the Quantum building in Brgy. Ugong, Pasig City with a heat-sealed transparent plastic bag containing 25 pink MDMA tablets, commonly known as ecstasy, in his possession. Sign in. Forgot your password? Password recovery. Recover your password. Tuesday, October 22, Cops arrest notorious sex party organizer and drug dealer in Pasig City. By Vince Lopez. June 21, , pm. Mitsubishi buying 6. Austria - October 18, , am. BSP reduces interest rate to 6. Popular Articles. Mouthing off. The saga of illegal drugs continues. Dynasty at a crossroads. Editorial Columns Soundbytes. Gadgets Computers Business Tech Plus. On the Road. Seminars Exhibits Community. Real Estate. Pop Life. Photos Videos. Follow us. Users Agreement Policy.

Cops arrest notorious sex party organizer and drug dealer in Pasig City

Pasig buying Ecstasy

On the afternoon of October 14, , four masked gunmen stormed the Manila home of Paquito Mejos, a year-old father of five who worked as an electrician on construction sites. The gunmen asked for Mejos, who was napping upstairs. Two gunshots rang out. Police investigators arrived moments later and were assisted by the gunmen. This report examines 24 incidents, resulting in 32 deaths, involving Philippine National Police personnel between October and January Human Rights Watch found that the official police reports of these incidents invariably asserted self-defense to justify police killings, contrary to eyewitness accounts that portray the killings as cold-blooded murders of unarmed drug suspects in custody. No one has been meaningfully investigated, let alone prosecuted, for these killings. Before being elected president, Rodrigo Duterte was the mayor of Davao City for more than two decades. You will see the fish in Manila Bay getting fat. That is where I will dump you. The funeral parlors will be packed. Following his election, Duterte continued to state unequivocally that his anti-drug campaign would focus on killing drug dealers and users. Since taking office, Duterte has repeatedly vowed to kill drug dealers and users in the midst of skyrocketing reports of extrajudicial executions by the police and so-called vigilantes. The Philippine National Police announced a temporary suspension of police anti-drug operations on January 30 following revelations the previous week of the alleged b rutal killing of a South Korean businessman by anti-drug police. The following day, Duterte ordered the Armed Forces of the Philippines AFP to fill the gap created by the suspended police operations by taking a frontline role in the anti-drug campaign. A clear modus operandi of police operations emerged. Such visits often proved not so much to be warnings as a method of confirming the identity and whereabouts of a target. He had given up drug use months earlier, so did not go. Two weeks later three armed masked men wearing bulletproof vests arrived at his home in Manila and handcuffed him. There were also uniformed cops outside, they did not go inside the house. But the three killers in civilian clothes came and went on a motorcycle without any interference from the uniformed cops. Relatives, neighbors, and other witnesses told Human Rights Watch that armed assailants typically worked in groups of two, four, or a dozen. They would wear civilian clothes, often all black, and have their faces shielded by balaclava-style headgear or other masks, and baseball caps or helmets. They would bang on doors and barge into rooms, but the assailants would not identify themselves or provide warrants. Family members reported hearing beatings and their loved ones begging for their lives. The shooting could happen immediately—behind closed doors or on the street; or the gunmen might take the suspect away, where minutes later shots would ring out and local residents would find the body; or the body would be dumped elsewhere later, sometimes with hands tied or the head wrapped in plastic. Local residents often said they saw uniformed police on the outskirts of the incident, securing the perimeter—but even if not visible before a shooting, special crime scene investigators would arrive within minutes. Five masked armed men broke into a house in Bulacan province where Oliver Dela Cruz, 43, was playing cards. The men grabbed him and slammed him into a concrete wall several times, and then they threw him…outside. We saw the shooting, we were just there. Family members said that Sumangue could not afford and did not possess a gun and therefore could not possibly have attempted to shoot at the police. Human Rights Watch examined the police reports in nearly all of the cases investigated. Such cases call into question government assertions that the majority of killings were carried out by vigilantes or rival drug gangs. Six masked armed men burst into a Manila home where a small group, including several teenagers, were watching television. The men arrested and beat drug suspects Aljon Mesa and Jimboy Bolasa, and then took them away on motorcycles. The gunmen were still at the scene, while uniformed police cordoned off the area. That evening masked armed men abducted him from the barangay office; shortly afterwards, his body was found under a bridge a block away. His relatives said that his entire head had been wrapped in packing tape, and his hands had been tied behind his back. He had been shot execution-style through the mouth. Whether or not the unidentified assailants doing the actual killing were police officers or agents of the police, the similar tactics used in the cases documented by Human Rights Watch showed planning and coordination by the police and in some cases local civilian officials. I went back to where I was, and was totally shocked. If we go complain, what is our chance against the authorities? Almost all of the victims were either unemployed or worked menial jobs, including as rickshaw drivers or porters, and lived in slum neighborhoods or informal settlements. There are several legal grounds for which Duterte and his chief subordinates could be held criminally liable in the Philippines or by a court abroad. No evidence thus far shows that Duterte planned or ordered specific extrajudicial killings. His statements encouraging vigilantes among the general population to commit violence against suspected drug users could constitute incitement to violence. Furthermore, the doctrine of command or superior responsibility imposes criminal liability on officials for the unlawful acts of subordinates, where the superior knew or had reason to know of the unlawful acts, and failed to prevent or punish those acts. His public comments in response to those allegations are evidence that he knows about them. As their continuing public statements make clear, Duterte and his top subordinates have denied or downplayed the illegality of police actions, showing no inclination or intent to investigate alleged crimes. Finally, the president, senior officials, and others implicated in unlawful killings could be held liable for crimes against humanity, which are serious offenses committed as part of a widespread or systematic attack on a civilian population. The numerous and seemingly organized deadly attacks on the publicly targeted group of drug suspects could amount to crimes against humanity as defined by the International Criminal Court, to which the Philippines is a party. Human Rights Watch has documented in various countries that harsh drug enforcement can lead to drug users going underground away from critical health services. President Duterte has a legal responsibility to publicly direct the Philippine National Police to end their campaign of extrajudicial executions of suspected drug dealers and users. Congress should hold extensive hearings on the issue and adopt measures to prevent further such killings. Donor countries to the Philippines should end all assistance to the Philippine National Police until the killings cease and meaningful investigations are undertaken and consider redirecting that assistance to community-based harm reduction programs that are appropriate and effective. From October to January , Human Rights Watch investigated 24 incidents of killings of alleged drug dealers and users, involving 32 victims, that occurred in Metro Manila, the National Capital Region of the Philippines, and nearby provinces since President Rodrigo Duterte took office on June 30, These were a small percentage of the more than 7, such killings that the latest statistics from the Philippine National Police indicate have occurred between July 1, and January 31, Because such killings were ongoing at the time of the research, Human Rights Watch took extensive security precautions to ensure the security of witnesses and relatives of the victims. The impoverished urban neighborhoods where most killings have taken place have a high presence of police informants who can be expected to pass on information about human rights investigations into alleged abuses by the police. So rather than interview people in their neighborhoods, Human Rights Watch spoke to relatives and witnesses in locations where they could be interviewed safely and in private. Interviews were conducted in Tagalog, the dominant language in the Manila area, through the use of an interpreter. For security reasons, the names of witnesses and relatives interviewed by Human Rights Watch are not included in the report, and other identifying information has also been withheld. Human Rights Watch did not provide incentives to persons interviewed, although we did reimburse the travel and telecommunication costs of interviews, and provided food at mealtimes. The information contained in those reports is also included in our report, and contrasted with the information we collected from witnesses and relatives. That 1, will reach 50, I would kill all of you who make the lives of Filipinos miserable. For Filipinos who took note of Davao City, where Duterte was mayor for more than two decades, the killing of several thousand suspected drug dealers and users in a matter of months would have come as no surprise. On numerous occasions as mayor, Duterte claimed personal responsibility for the policy of killing drug suspects. Duterte is not the only Philippine mayor implicated in extrajudicial executions of alleged criminals. Alfredo Lim, a former police officer and chief of the National Bureau of Investigation NBI , was implicated in using similar tactics while mayor of the capital, Manila, from to He was never prosecuted for his alleged role in the summary executions of dozens of suspected drug dealers and other alleged criminals. That death squad, many members of which were on the city government payroll with the Civil Security Unit, a City Hall bureau tasked with traffic management and providing security in markets and schools, is implicated in the killings of at least people. Rodrigo Duterte first ran for mayor of Davao City in on a campaign to restore law and order in the city, the largest on the main southern island of Mindanao. Duterte was elected mayor in part on his reputation as a city prosecutor said to have targeted military and rebel abuses with equal fervor. Duterte was Davao City mayor for most of the years between and They miscalculated. It was 1, Human Rights Watch also investigated the Davao City killings. While our research found no evidence that directly linked Duterte to any killing, we found complicity and at times direct involvement of government officials and members of the police in these killings. Relatives and friends of death squad members provided detailed and consistent information on Davao Death Squad operations, which was corroborated by journalists, community activists, and government officials. US State Department cables released by WikiLeaks in noted the apparent rise of municipal government-sanctioned death squads in cities including Cebu City, Toledo, and Carcar on the island of Cebu. Since becoming president, Duterte has boasted about killings by the police during anti-drug operations and even ordered the police and public to kill more. The children who were raped and mutilated \[by drug users\]. What is your definition of a human being? Tell me. Now there is 3 million, what is it, 3 million drug addicts in the Philippines there are. Duterte and his congressional allies have also harassed and intimidated domestic critics of his anti-drug campaign, most notably Senator Leila de Lima, the chair of the Senate Committee on Justice and Human Rights. Duterte accused de Lima of receiving drug money while secretary of justice from alleged drug lords imprisoned at the national penitentiary. The Senate committee stripped De Lima of the chairmanship. Duterte also threatened human rights activists, saying he would blame them if the drug situation in the Philippines worsened. On November 28, Duterte threatened to include human rights activists who opposed his anti-drug campaign on the list of those to be targeted:. In December, Duterte threatened to make lawyers of drug suspects targets in his drug war. They were able to post bail because they have lawyers. They are good, high-profile lawyers. Duterte has also attacked and threatened foreign critics of his abusive war on drugs. In August, the UN special rapporteur on extrajudicial killings, Agnes Callamard, issued a statement reminding the Duterte administration of its human rights obligations. Callamard explained that the condition could compromise the confidentiality of victim testimonies. He also gave his statement before, several weeks ago, about the human rights violation. I do not have any pity for them. I am the president of the Philippines, not the republic of the international community. They \[Russia\] withdrew its membership. I might follow,' he said. The Philippine National Police announced a temporary suspension of police anti-drug operations on January 30 following revelations the previous week of the alleged brutal killing of a South Korean businessman by anti-drug police. Data from the Department of National Defense indicate only one soldier has been convicted of an extrajudicial killing since Police killings of drug suspects are not a new phenomenon in the Philippines, but have skyrocketed under the Rodrigo Duterte administration. The following 24 incidents resulting in 32 deaths are not a scientific sampling of those killings. However, they share similarities with the vast majority of the cases reported in the media. The killings have largely occurred in impoverished urban areas, many in the National Capital Region of Metro Manila but in other cities as well. Those killed have been typically been people struggling to make ends meet for themselves and their families—work is irregular if they have work at all. In many of the cases, family members acknowledged that their relative was a drug user—typically of shabu, a methamphetamine—or a dealer, or used to be one. But none of the cases investigated fit the category of big-time drug lords—they were people at the bottom of the drug chain. This might cause the individual to lay low, avoid all outside activities or turn themselves in to the police—all to no avail. Or there might be no warning at all. As told to Human Rights Watch by relatives, neighbors, and other witnesses, the assailants typically worked in groups of two, four, or a dozen. They would wear civilian clothes, often all black, and shielded their faces with balaclava-style headgear or other masks, and baseball caps or helmets. They would carry handguns. They would frequently travel by motorcycle—two to a bike. Often there would be a van, invariably white, and sometimes containing markings signifying a police vehicle. There typically would be banging on doors and barging into rooms, but the assailants would not identify themselves nor provide warrants. Family members often reported hearing beatings and their loved one begging for their lives. The shootings could happen immediately, behind closed doors or on the street, or the gunmen might take the suspect away, where minutes later shots would ring out and local residents would find the body, often with hands tied or the head wrapped in plastic. Local residents often said they saw uniformed police in the vicinity before the incident, securing the perimeter—but even if not visible before a shooting, special crime scene investigators would arrive within minutes. A previously unknown. And instead of fleeing from the police, the gunmen would mingle with them. Human Rights Watch is not aware of a single arrest made in connection with any of the killings we documented. Human Rights Watch examined police reports in virtually all of the cases we investigated. The accounts differed markedly from those provided by the relatives we interviewed, yet they were very similar to each other. According to the reports, the suspect, after being put under arrest and sometimes handcuffed, allegedly pulled out a weapon and sought to shoot the police. In every case, however, the suspect was killed and none of the arresting officers were harmed, with the sole exception of one case in which an officer is alleged to have been shot in the leg. Such cases call into question government assertions that the majority of killings have been committed by vigilantes 'fed up with the current justice system' or rival drug gangs. Whether or not the unidentified assailants doing the actual killing were police officers or merely agents of the police, the similar modus operandi in these operations shows planning and coordination by the police, and in some cases, local civilian officials. While Duterte was inaugurated on June 30, , his election victory a month earlier, on May 30, led to an immediate uptick in police killings of drug suspects, many of them under circumstances that indicated extrajudicial killings. Edwin Ronda, 30, was a construction worker who lived with his parents in Santa Rosa City about 40 kilometers south of Manila. When his father suspected him of being involved in drug dealing in , he surrendered his son to police custody. At about 5 a. He had a gunshot wound to the temple and what looked like ligature marks near his neck. The police report of the incident, signed by the chief of police of the Santa Rosa City Police Station in Laguna, offered a version of events inconsistent with the witness account. The report makes no mention of his detention by the officers in the van:. According to a relative:. Edwin was killed after Duterte was elected, but before he became president. It was like a gift from the police officers to the president \[elect\]. Oliver Dela Cruz, 43, was a rice and vegetable farmer in rural Bulacan province north of Manila. However, after becoming ill from lung disease, he no longer could do the vigorous labor required for farming. When the killings of drug dealers began, his family begged him to stop dealing, but Dela Cruz told them he had no other way to support his family. Family members told Human Rights Watch that at about 1 a. A relative said:. Family members who witnessed the incident said that uniformed police officers and SOCO officers were already waiting just outside the neighborhood while the masked men carried out the killing:. Media accounts of the incident said the killing resulted from a police drug sting. According to the police, Sumangue was involved in drug dealing. According to family members who witnessed the incident, at about p. Several ordered his pregnant wife to leave the house, and stayed inside with Sumangue. They then departed. Uniformed police officers together with journalists arrived at the scene soon thereafter. Family members told Human Rights Watch that Sumangue did not possess a gun and therefore could not possibly have attempted to shoot at the police. In , police arrested Renato Badando, 41, on suspicion of involvement in a robbery, for which he subsequently spent nearly eight years in prison. An hour later, a policeman knocked on their shack and identified himself, and asked about the whereabouts of some of their neighbors. Soon thereafter, his relatives heard a gunshot, followed by several more, and rushed to a nearby riverside dock. Police officials told the relatives that they found a. However, a relative interviewed by Human Rights Watch disputes this claim, stressing that Badando had been taken by the police from his own home:. Edward Sentorias, 34, a father of three boys, was jobless after being injured in a welding accident. On the morning of July 8, Sentorias and his partner were having breakfast when a group of five uniformed police officers knocked on their door. When his partner opened the door, the policemen grabbed her and her 2-year-old son and pulled them outside, saying they had come to talk to Sentorias. The police officers then rushed into the home and almost immediately, gunshots rang out. Relatives of Sentorias dispute the police account that he was armed, and said that they witnessed the police placing the incriminating evidence. For years, his relatives had tried to get him to stop using and dealing drugs, convincing him to go to drug rehab in Police released him a few hours later but Francisco, realizing he was a marked man because of his refusal to cooperate fully, tried to go into hiding. About midnight, he told his friends he was going to bed. However, the relative interviewed by Human Rights Watch challenged the police version of his death, noting that Francisco had gone to sleep in his room after leaving the company of his friends, and that the police kicked down the door of his room—which is inconsistent with a drug buy-bust sting described in the police report. Napoleon Miras, 27, was a tricycle driver whose live-in partner was a drug dealer. He frequently drove her around to make drug deliveries. He also became a shabu user and small-time dealer himself. According to relatives with whom he lived, on July 24 his live-in partner went to see her supplier to purchase shabu. Police followed her on her way back home, and soon after her return at about a. Nobody move! The PDEA agents took Miras outside, but then decided to take him back into the home and take him upstairs while they searched the home for drugs. A few minutes later, the family members, who were downstairs on their knees with their hands behind their heads, heard eight gunshots upstairs. His family contested the police version of events, asserting that Miras had not sold any drugs to the police team, as he remained home prior to and during the incident, had not engaged in a firefight, and did not own any guns. Aaron Joseph Paular, 24, the father of a 3-year-old girl, found irregular work as a house painter. His relatives said he was an occasional shabu user, but was not listed on the neighborhood watch list as a known drug user or dealer. He had not received any warnings from local officials about his drug use. They assert that Paular was unarmed and was trying to hide from the police. When the police found him, one shot and killed him. Relatives contest this version of events and believe that the police planted the gun, grenade, and shabu they claim to have found in the aftermath of the shooting. Angelo Lafuente, 23, had spent time in jail for theft, but following his release in he had tried to stay out of trouble and ran a small electronic repairs business in his impoverished Manila neighborhood. At about 4 p. The relatives rushed to the Navotas police station, where about 30 detained persons from the raid were being processed, but could not locate the three men. At about 8 p. The police report of the incident said that Lafuente and Benji had died from gunshot wounds under the C-3 Bridge in the NBBS neighborhood where they were arrested, their hands still tied with the plastic straps put on when they had been detained. The police claim to have found shabu in both of their pockets. According to his relatives, Renato Forio Jr. Noel Alberto, 23, a father of three, lived with his grandmother and worked as a pedicab driver. According to a relative interviewed by Human Rights Watch, he was not a drug user or dealer. They arrested nine people at the party, including Alberto and Sarah. The nine detainees were taken away in a white van. The police reported that the bodies of Alberto and Sarah were found dumped next to the Navotas Public Cemetery at a. The police report claims that SOCO police investigators found heat-sealed packets of shabu in the pockets of both deceased. However, the nature of the incident, in which 10 armed men with face masks took suspects away in a van, mirrors countless other operations by undercover police. Bonifacio Antonio, 56, was a driver. His wife worked at a pharmaceutical company, ensuring a middle-class existence for the family and allowing their son and daughter to attend university. After 30 years of marriage, his wife had recently retired and the couple were planning to spend more time together. Family members said Antonio had been an occasional drug user years prior to his killing, but not more recently. In the evening, the three men sat outside in the alley and drank beers together. Shortly before midnight, a group of six men dressed in black civilian clothes, wearing facemasks, and armed with handguns arrived at the end of the alley on three motorcycles. Four of the armed men approached the three friends in the alley. When Rosit and the other man raised their arms in surrender, one of the armed men shot Rosit in the chest, killing him. The gunmen then quickly left the scene. According to relatives of Antonio, the SOCO police investigators arrived while the armed, masked men dressed in black who had carried out the killing were still in the neighborhood, leading them to believe that the killers were undercover police operatives. Rogie Sebastian, 32, was a pedicab driver and a habitual drug user. The drug dealer occasionally used Sebastian to pick up and deliver drugs using his pedicab, according to a relative interviewed by Human Rights Watch. However, the relative said that after Duterte was elected, Sebastian stopped using and delivering drugs, afraid of being killed. On September 6, a watchman from their barangay came to their home and told Sebastian to report to the barangay chairman. Sebastian and his wife went to see the man the same day, and he told Sebastian that he had to surrender to the police as a drug user. According to his relatives, Sebastian refused to go and surrender to the police, having explained to the barangay chairman that he had stopped using drugs months prior, and needed to continue working to support his family. On September 19, at about 1 p. At p. One guarded the entranceway, while the other two entered the home, woke up the sleeping couple from an afternoon nap, and handcuffed Sebastian. A relative said the men produced a list of drug suspects and said Sebastian was on the list. The family argued with them, saying they were looking for Fernan, the drug-dealing owner, and not Sebastian, who they said had not used drugs for months. According to the relative:. As soon as they entered, we woke up and Rogie raised his hands, and begged them for mercy. Then they handcuffed him behind his back. Soon after, they shot him in the foot and he fell down in the room. The two gunmen then forced his relatives from the room. I could hear Rogie begging for his life from outside the room. We were crying and the other armed man threatened to kill us as well. I told him, go ahead, then we will be in Heaven together. Then I heard three more gunshots. Then I passed out and lost consciousness. The police spot report said that the police recovered a. Although the police report itself says the suspect suffered four gunshot wounds, only three 9mm and two. They were killed six days apart, their bodies found by their mother under adjacent bridges nearby. Both brothers had only irregular work hauling cargo in the adjacent fish port. On the afternoon of September 20, Aljon went to the local hospital for a checkup on his pulmonary disease. After his return, a friend named Wilson invited Aljon over to his home to watch TV. As they watched TV, six masked armed men dressed in civilian clothes burst into the room and asked for Wilson, the owner. The masked armed men were still at the scene, while uniformed police blocked off the area and told the family members not to get closer. The masked armed men remained when the SOCO police investigators arrived, demonstrating they were coordinating with the uniformed police and the SOCO investigators. Despite the visible collaboration between the gunmen and the police and SOCO investigators, the police report of the incident does not state that police were responsible for the killings. He was taking a midday nap at the home of a known drug dealer couple, Anne and Jowel, who operated a drug den inside their home. The three were taken to the local barangay municipal office, where a relative of Anne and Jowel managed to bribe officials to release the couple unharmed. However, at about 6 p. Shortly afterwards, his body was found under a bridge one block away from the municipal office. Human Rights Watch was unable to find any reference in police reports to the killing of Danilo, despite an extensive search through the police records of that period. Renaldo Agrigado, 53, was a shabu user, according to his relatives. The family said that Renaldo had indeed stopped using drugs following his surrender. At about 9 p. According to his relative, Renaldo Agrigado was sleeping at his home with his wife and children when armed men dressed in civilian clothes, knocked on the door. After Agrigado opened the door, the armed men, later identified in the police report as undercover police officers, dragged him outside and ordered everyone out of their one-room home. Once the relatives were outside, the armed men took Agrigado back into the room. From outside, neighbors and relatives heard Agrigado begging for his life and screaming from what they assumed was physical violence being inflicted by the gunmen. Soon thereafter, gunshots rang out, and the shouting stopped. The police report said the men died under very different circumstances. At this instance, \[police officers\] retaliated in order to protect themselves from their armed aggressor, hitting both suspects that led to their death. During the same police operation, police shot a third person, Roldan Amora, 35, inside his home. The neighbor said Amora was not involved in drugs, and held down a steady job carrying freight at the nearby docks. Virgilio Mirano, 39, was a father of two who had previously worked as a pump operator in the municipal flood control office. He had lost his post following municipal elections when newly elected leaders appointed their supporters to municipal jobs. Virgilio discussed the letter with his brother, who advised him to lie low until the ceremony. At about 3 p. As he begged for his life on his knees, the men shot Mirano six times, killing him while his relatives watched. The assailants had arrived on two motorcycles, but a mobile uniformed police unit was nearby, operating an ad hoc checkpoint just two blocks away, according to witnesses. The police report on the incident provides a completely different version of events. According to the police report, police recovered a. Jury Jana, 32, worked as a moto taxi driver, and had been both a drug user and a small-time drug dealer, his relatives said. At the police station, he signed documents confessing to being a drug user and dealer, and promised to quit dealing and using drugs, according to a relative. He was released by the police the same day. On October 4, at about 7 p. According to the neighbors, Jana was begging the policemen to spare his life and stop abusing him. The family said that the neighbors told them that after a few minutes, about 8 to 10 gunshots rang out inside the room. At about p. Benjamin Visda, 43, was an unemployed father of two who according to his relatives was a drug user who lived with one of his siblings as he was unable to support himself. According to his relatives, Visda stopped using drugs following his surrender, out of fear that he might be killed, as several others who surrendered together with him were later killed. At about 11 p. The family believes the woman trying to convince Visda to buy drugs for her was part of the ensuing police sting operation. Shortly afterwards, Visda asked his relatives for 40 pesos, saying he needed to buy some dinner, and left the home. Almost immediately, a neighbor came to inform the family that Visda had been detained down the road by police officers during an anti-drug raid. When the family ran outside, they saw armed men in civilian clothes, wearing face masks and motorcycle helmets, accompanied by local barangay officials and barangay security guards, surrounding Visda, just one block away from their home. CCTV footage that was later made public shows a group of gunmen in civilian clothes wearing white facemasks escorting Visda out of an alley. The gunmen then tie his hands as other men with facemasks move in and out of the area on at least six motorcycles. Suddenly, Visda is pushed on to a motorcycle driven by a man with a facemask and a raincoat, while a second man with a facemask jumps on the motorcycle behind Visda, sandwiching Visda man between them. They fear so much for the lives of their other male relatives that they were afraid to make a complaint against the police, even though they are convinced the police executed Visda. Paquito Mejos, 53, was a father of five and worked as an electrician on construction sites. According to his relatives, he was an occasional shabu user, but not involved in drug dealing. He went immediately to the barangay municipal hall with his wife, but was told no one was available to process his case, and to return on October Mejos did as told, and on his return on October 10, he went to the police station and was photographed and fingerprinted. On October 12, the barangay officials summoned him again to the barangay together with other surrenderees, to determine whether they needed rehabilitation or to attend a series of anti-drug seminars, before sending him home again. Two days later, on October 14 at about 2 p. Jerome Bayutas, 36, was a rickshaw driver and shabu user. They then returned inside where Bayutas remained. They covered the body with a blanket and left with it before the SOCO police investigators arrived. The police claim to have recovered a. Norberto Maderal, 42, was a tricycle driver and a regular shabu user, according to his relatives. Five to ten minutes later, the relative heard a commotion and found three armed, masked men inside the home, with another two masked gunmen standing guard outside the home. The men ordered the relative to return to his room, and one of them held his door closed. The relative said Maderal did not own a gun and gave no sign of resistance, so he believes the gun and shabu were planted by the gunmen. Within five minutes, uniformed police officers arrived at the home. The neighbors added that they had noticed the home had been under police surveillance since the day before the killings. SOCO police investigators came to the scene, and later asked the relative who witnessed the killing to give a statement to the police. Heart de Chavez, a year-old transgender woman, worked previously as a beautician but had resorted to small-scale drug dealing to help feed her family. On January 7, , a police officer detained de Chavez after she left the house of one of her transgender friends. While no drugs were found on her, the police officer found incriminating messages on her mobile phone that appeared to refer to drug dealing. Three days later, on January 10 at about 10 p. Seven gunmen took de Chavez 50 meters down the alley. The relatives said the gunmen were laughing about the killing. The masked, armed gunmen appeared unconcerned about getting caught by the police for the killing, despite the heavy police presence in the neighborhood, suggesting they were collaborating with the police or were police officers themselves. The police report on the incident makes no mention of gunmen taking de Chavez into custody, stating only that a dead body had been reported to the police by local officials. An hour later, a group of seven masked armed men were seen entering the public cemetery adjacent to the alley where de Chavez was killed. At about a. According to the police report of the incident, police officers operating a checkpoint nearby received a call that an armed man was riding tandem on a motorcycle--a common element in drive-by killings. The police report states that the officers proceeded to the scene, where the armed man fired at them and they returned the fire:. However, several witnesses contradicted the official police version of the incident in separate interviews with Human Rights Watch. At least eight people, including several young children, were alerted to the scene when they heard noise in the alley where the alleged shootout took place. It was about a. We were playing computer games. Suddenly a motorcycle arrived, and it was carrying \[the victim\]. Then there were three shots, one after the other. Then after those three shots, the person driving the motorcycle left, and then four consecutive shots followed immediately, then only one policeman was left. Then suddenly other people arrived and put \[police\] tape denying entry. While the body was being guarded by a single policeman, several witnesses came closer and photographed the body with their cellphones. The witness said:. The other four were used to make sure he was dead. A second witness, interviewed separately by Human Rights Watch, gave a similar account of the incident, saying he watched from a nearby window as the victim was beaten against a tree, and then shot dead:. They deliberately killed him. The cases investigated in this report are apparent extrajudicial executions, which can be defined as the deliberate killing by state security forces or their agents of a person in custody. Summary, extrajudicial, or arbitrary executions are prohibited under international human rights law. Those prohibitions are derived from the right to life protected under the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, endorsed by all United Nations member countries, \[\] and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights ICCPR , to which the Philippines is a party, \[\] among other international instruments. International law specifies that governments have a duty to investigate and prosecute serious violations of physical integrity, including violations of the right to life. The Human Rights Committee has frequently reminded government of their obligation to ensure effective remedies for violations of the right to life, including extrajudicial executions. Governments are obligated to conduct prompt, thorough and effective investigations through independent and impartial judicial bodies; bring to justice those responsible for criminal offenses; provide prompt and full reparations to victims; and prevent future violations. The principles also affirm that training of law enforcement officials shall emphasize these duties and prohibitions. Under domestic law, members of the Philippine National Police PNP have a duty to protect lives and property, investigate and prevent crimes, arrest criminal offenders, bring offenders to justice and assist in their prosecution, and exercise powers of arrest, search, and seizure in accordance with the law, among other duties. Even if not directly involved in any specific operations to summarily execute any specific individual, President Duterte appears to have instigated unlawful acts by the police, incited citizens to commit serious violence, and made himself criminal liable under international law for the unlawful killings as a matter of command responsibility. Other senior leaders of his administration have likewise made themselves criminally culpable for their alleged complicity in unlawful killings. International law holds an individual criminally responsible if they plan, instigate, order commit or otherwise aid and abet a criminal offense. While international law says little about incitement outside the context of incitement to genocide, it does set out basic requirements. In common law jurisdictions, incitement to commit a crime is defined as encouraging or persuading another to commit a crime, whether or not the crime is actually committed. Civil law systems punish direct and public incitement assuming the form of provocation, which is defined as an act intended directly to provoke another to commit a crime or a misdemeanor through speeches, shouting, or threats, or any other means of audiovisual communication. In addition, the doctrine of superior responsibility under international law imposes liability on superiors for the unlawful acts of their subordinates where the superior knew or had reason to know of the unlawful acts, and failed to prevent and punish those acts. Finally, customary international law and the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, to which the Philippines is a party, prohibit crimes against humanity. Crimes against humanity are certain acts, including murder, torture, and other inhumane acts committed as part of a widespread or systematic attack against a civilian population. Unlike war crimes, crimes against humanity can be committed during times of peace if they are part of a widespread or systematic attack against a civilian population. For individuals to be found culpable of crimes against humanity, they must have had knowledge of the crime. That is, perpetrators must have been aware that their actions formed part of the widespread or systematic attack against the civilian population. Those in a position of command can be held criminally responsible for failing to prevent crimes against humanity by those under their command, or to submit the matter for prosecution when they knew or should have known about the crimes. I will use the military and the police to go out and arrest them, hunt for them. I have no patience. I have no middle ground. Following his election as president, Duterte continued to state unequivocally that his anti-drug campaign would focus on killing drug dealers and users. Even in his June 30 inauguration speech, Duterte indicted his intent to take the law into his own hands in his anti-drug campaign:. Even at the inaugural dinner that night, Duterte repeated his vow to kill those involved with drugs, even if they were policemen—and urged ordinary citizens to take part in killing drug suspects:. Since taking office, Duterte has again and again vowed to kill drug dealers and users in the midst of skyrocketing reports of extrajudicial executions by the police and so-called vigilantes. Let me take care of it. On August 17, addressing police commanders at the national headquarters of the Philippine National Police, he said:. They are the ones interfering. Extrajudicial killing? I will do the explanation in public for international release if you want. For the things that really happened during the criminals and the police in operations—punitive operations, police action—I am willing to answer all of them. I assume full responsibility for what happened because I was the one who ordered it. Now, my instructions at the very first day of my term was that: Go out and hunt for these criminals. Arrest them if they surrender peacefully but if they put up a violent stunt then you just have to kill him?? I just told him one bullet will do. Why do you have to wrap it \[the head\]? How about now publishing the side of the government protecting people or preventing the killing of people, innocent victims? My job, ladies and gentlemen, and of the United Nations, my job as president is to protect the innocent law-abiding citizens. I was never tasked by any law to protect the life of criminals. You know, I am forced to \[take these actions\]. Forget the United Nations. Forget your outrage. It is misplaced. Now I tell you now, by what right do you have in this universe to cook shabu, feed it to my children, and destroy their lives forever? Now I ask the question. Do I have the right to destroy you? In advance also, so that nothing of this sort would happen to other families? On September 20, Duterte responded similarly to expressions of concern raised by the European Union about the rising death toll from alleged extrajudicial killings, again taking personal responsibility for the policies:. Some of the killings, particularly during the campaign period, appear to have been carried out in anticipation of a broad anti-drug campaign in which legal constraints would be lifted. Furthermore, the doctrine of superior responsibility imposes criminal liability on officials for the unlawful acts of subordinates, where the superior knew or had reason to know of the unlawful acts, and failed to prevent or punish those acts. With respect to possible crimes against humanity, the repeated calls by President Duterte encouraging the killing of alleged drug dealers and users is indicative of a government policy to attack a specific civilian population. Information on specific cases gathered by the media and nongovernmental organizations including Human Rights Watch show this attack to be widespread. Any killings of drug suspects by police with an awareness of such a policy or plan would amount to crimes against humanity, for which senior officials could be held responsible as a matter of superior responsibility. There is no evidence that Duterte has taken any steps to prevent or punish those responsible for the killings. As his continuing public statements make clear, he has discounted the illegality of police actions, showing no inclination or intent to investigate alleged crimes. As noted, since Duterte has taken office, not a single police officer has been arrested let alone prosecuted for their role in an alleged extrajudicial killing of a drug suspect. They know where they will go. You want me to kill them? You can them \[also\] because you are the victims. Pour gasoline on their houses and burn them. Show your anger. I am here to indicate the support of the Duterte government for the anti-drug campaign. The office of the Solicitor General is the defender of the Republic of the Philippines and the people of the Philippines. The people of the Philippines have had enough of this drug menace that is corrupting and destroying our youth and society. We will not allow anybody to derail this effort of the \[police\] and its officers to implement the order of our president to stop this drug trafficking and drug menace in our society. I am here to encourage the PNP not to be afraid of any congressional or Senate investigations. We will defend them \[the police\]. You consider them humanity? I believe not. President Duterte, in encouraging the police to carry out his anti-drug campaign, has repeatedly said he would protect them from prosecution. Duterte responded by saying that the officers would not be prosecuted:. I will not allow these \[officers\] to go to prison. I will be the one to answer for it and go to prison. Police and military personnel in the Philippines have long enjoyed impunity from prosecution for serious abuses at the expense of respect for human rights. The president as a practical matter can make prosecutions of police or military personnel accused of crimes difficult or impossible. Doing so would be contrary to prosecutorial independence and undermine respect for the rule of law in the Philippines. Under the constitution the president can also grant amnesties with the concurrence of Congress, and grant commutations and pardons. Foreign courts acting on the basis of universal jurisdiction or international criminal tribunals, including the International Criminal Court, are in no way bound by domestic grants of immunity, and may prosecute protected wrongdoers as well as officials implicated on grounds of superior responsibility. Historically, the Philippines has had close relationships with the United States and the countries of the European Union. In the face of persistent US pressure by the Obama administration, Duterte has responded with profane and bombastic remarks. The US government, the former colonial power and historically one of the closest allies of the Philippines, was slow to criticize the anti-drug campaign. Once it did so, however, it has become a persistent critic and taken direct steps to reduce US support for the Philippine National Police, though not to other security forces. Initial reports indicate, however, that this could change dramatically under President Donald Trump. Duterte responded with insults, saying he would buy weapons from Russia instead with no human rights conditions:. On September 29, US Senators Cardin and Patrick Leahy, author of a provision of US law that prohibits the United States from providing assistance to foreign security units that violate human rights with impunity, issued a joint statement criticizing drug-campaign human rights abuses. This is systematic, widespread, brutal, and beyond the bounds for a constitutional democracy. US suspension of security assistance to the Philippine police has not affected its assistance to the armed forces. According to then-State Department spokesperson John Kirby:. On January 26, Philippine Defense Secretary Delfin Lorenzana announced that the United States would proceed with an upgrade and expansion of Philippine military base facilities in I will tell them fuck you. I repeat it, fuck you. On July 19, the Chinese Embassy in Manila issued a statement offering its unconditional support:. It is a fundamental principle of our foreign policy. We understand well your legitimate concerns. Such comments are of particular concern in light of ongoing impunity for serious cases of violence against journalists in the Philippines. I join the United Nations Secretary-General in condemning the apparent endorsement of extrajudicial killing, which is illegal and a breach of fundamental rights and freedoms. Such responses contravene the provisions of the international drug control conventions, do not serve the cause of justice, and will not help to ensure that 'all people can live in health, dignity and peace, with security and prosperity,' as agreed by governments in the outcome document approved at the UN General Assembly special session on the world drug problem. UNODC supports balanced, people-centred, evidence- and rights-based approaches to drug control, rooted in the agreed international conventions and standards. UNODC stands ready to further engage with the Philippines and all countries to bring drug traffickers to justice with the appropriate legal safeguards in line with international standards and norms, and promote prevention, treatment, rehabilitation, and reintegration approaches based in evidence, science, public health and human rights. Production assistance was provided by Michelle Lonnquist, associate with the Emergencies Division; Olivia Hunter, associate with the Publications Division; Jose Martinez, senior coordinator; and Fitzroy Hepkins, administrative manager. Sensing danger on their lives, said operatives returned fire against the suspect who was seriously injured. Said police officer was constrained to retaliate hitting the armed suspect in his body which led to his instantaneous death. Apparently, reaching the stair leading to the 3 rd floor, \[Bucao\] pulled out his \[. Sensing their lives were in imminent danger, PO1 Sola traded gun shots to the suspect Ronnie Bucao who eventually sustained gunshot wounds and later died on the spot. Sensing imminent danger in their lives they retaliated that caused the instantaneous death of the suspect. Sensing imminent danger on their lives prompted said police man to retaliate in order to save their lives, hitting the suspect on the chest and head. Seeing that their live were in imminent danger, PO1 Odita drew his service firearm and retaliate firing hitting \[Halaba\] on the body and died on the spot. When the smoke of gun fires subsided, the three 3 known drug personalities lay dead on the spot. Reasonable force was applied to preserve the lives of arresting officer from imminent danger. While a running gun battle between the lawmen and the suspect ensued at a grassy field, the police asset immediately scampered to safety. The suspect fell to the grassy field after sustaining multiple gunshot wound on his body probably from the firearms used by PO1 Hernandez and Gregorio that caused his instantaneous death while all members of operating team were unharmed. PO1 Garin retaliated and able to hit Basila. At this juncture PNP backups fired towards the suspect. Sensing that his life was in danger, PO2 Lauriaga fired his service firearm and shot the former hitting \[Sentorias\] on different parts of the body and fell down on the pavement and died on the spot. Would you like to read this page in another language? Yes No, don't ask again. Would you like to see a version of this page that loads faster by showing text only? Summary On the afternoon of October 14, , four masked gunmen stormed the Manila home of Paquito Mejos, a year-old father of five who worked as an electrician on construction sites. Play Video. Hitler massacred three million Jews. Now, there are three million drug addicts. If Germany had Hitler, the Philippines would have me. Police personnel at a crime scene after unidentified gunmen on motorcycles fatally shot Edgardo Santos in the head at about p. The attack came just three days after Maximo Garcia had registered with local police in response to their suspicions of his involvement in the drug trade. August 31, A sachet of shabu was allegedly found at the crime scene, October 18, December 5, I will take the law into my own hands… forget about the laws of men, forget about the laws of international law whatever. My order is shoot to kill you. Click to expand Image. I will definitely kill you. I will win because of breakdown in law and order. I do not want to commit a crime. But if by chance per chance God will place me there, stay on guard because that 1, will become , You will see the fish in Manila Bay becoming fatter. That is where I will throw you. Am I the death squad? That is true. All of you who are into drugs,you sons of bitches, I will really kill you. Most of you are clean but do not ever expect that all journalists are clean. They take sides. Just because you are a journalist you are not exempted from assassination you son of a bitch. If I become president, I advise you people to put up several funeral parlor businesses because I am against illegal drugs … I might kill someone because of it. If you know of any addicts, go ahead and kill them yourself as getting their parents to do it would be too painful. It is going to be bloody. Hang yourselves, you sons of whores, I already told you no. My country transcends everything else, even the limitation. If I want to, and if it will deteriorate into something really very virulent, I will declare martial law if I want to. No one can stop me. Here is Congress and here is the Supreme Court drawn into a stalemate just to have the safety nets of an abusive despot or dictator. Where will I go then? So if the Supreme Court decides otherwise and here is Congress, what will I do now? There is no more control. The three great branches of government, two are against one another so I, as President, will decide. Related Content March 2, News Release. March 2, Interview. February 7, Dispatches. March 2, News Release. Protecting Rights, Saving Lives Human Rights Watch defends the rights of people in close to countries worldwide, spotlighting abuses and bringing perpetrators to justice. Donate Now.

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