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Local authorities killed five people in the 24 hours after he made the declaration and at least seven within a matter of days. Out of the killings the center recorded from July 1, , to June 30, , 53 15 percent occurred in Davao del Sur. All but one were committed by police and anti-drug agents during police operations. Human Rights Watch in interviewed families of victims of recent drug-related killings in Davao. Local activists said that the killings under the current mayor were no different from in previous years. The International Criminal Court is investigating these killings in its ongoing investigation into crimes against humanity in the Philippines. President Marcos has continued the anti-drug campaign begun by his predecessor. He has said repeatedly that the campaign against drugs will focus on rehabilitation but killings have continued. Unless President Marcos clarifies publicly that he has ordered a policy shift to end targeted killings of alleged drug dealers and users, and states clearly that those responsible for unlawful killings will be fully prosecuted, local officials like Duterte will continue to try to justify such killings, Human Rights Watch said. Abuses against Afghan Policewomen, Past and Present. Get updates on human rights issues from around the globe. Join our movement today. Countries Africa All Africa. Burkina Faso. Central African Republic. Democratic Republic of Congo. Equatorial Guinea. Eswatini formerly Swaziland. Sierra Leone. South Africa. South Sudan. Americas All Americas. Costa Rica. Dominican Republic. El Salvador. Asia All Asia. China and Tibet. Myanmar Burma. North Korea. Papua New Guinea. South Korea. Sri Lanka. Bosnia and Herzegovina. Czech Republic. European Union. Holy See. United Kingdom. Saudi Arabia. United Arab Emirates. United States All United States. Criminal Justice. Economic Justice. Racial Justice. US Foreign Policy. Topics Arms. Children's Rights. Crisis and Conflict. Disability Rights. Economic Justice and Rights. Environment and Human Rights. Free Speech. LGBT Rights. Refugees and Migrants. Rights of Older People. International Justice. Technology and Rights. United Nations. Women's Rights. Take Action. Join Us Our Committees. Film Festival. Legacies for Justice. Voices for Justice. About Careers. About Us. Social Media. Human Rights Education. Financials and Fundraising Policy. Give Now Make a One-time Gift. Give Monthly. Gifts in Wills and Trusts. Partners for Justice. Stock or Wire Transfer. Give from Your IRA. Donate Now. English Choose your language. More Languages. Would you like to see a version of this page that loads faster by showing text only? Yes No, don't ask again. Human Rights Watch. Click to expand Image. Your tax deductible gift can help stop human rights violations and save lives around the world. More Reading. October 18, News Release. October 10, Report. September 24, Report. Most Viewed. August 15, Dispatches. August 29, Dispatches. October 29, Report. July 17, News Release. September 21, News Release. Protecting Rights, Saving Lives Human Rights Watch defends the rights of people in close to countries worldwide, spotlighting abuses and bringing perpetrators to justice. Enter an email address Leave blank Leave blank Leave blank. An error occurred while subscribing your email address. Please try again.

How much do illegal drugs now cost in the Philippines?

Palawan where can I buy cocaine

Official websites use. Share sensitive information only on official, secure websites. Please address correspondence to Gideon Lasco. Email: pdlasco up. The international consensus to end compulsory drug treatments and close forced rehabilitation facilities needs urgent transformation to country policies. We unpack the politics behind rehabilitation and explain the sociocultural foundations that support compulsory treatment. This paper analyzes the Philippines as a case study of how politics and populism have framed the understanding and implementation of drug rehabilitation, particularly in an unstable democracy with a long history of authoritarianism and oligarchic patrimonialism. Less critically examined, however, is how this period—during which drugs have been at the forefront of political and public discourse—has shaped compulsory drug interventions in the country. We explain this fixation on treating people who use drugs as either criminals or patients—in both cases deemed as without full autonomy to make informed and moral personal decisions—as a product of exploited populism in a predominantly Catholic country. Drawing from international human rights obligations in relation to drug policy, we conclude by identifying critical leverage points and structural factors that drug policy reformists in unstable democracies can maneuver toward a public health-centered framework that respects full patient autonomy and human dignity. Against the backdrop of extrajudicial killings apparently perpetrated pursuant to an official state policy of the Philippines, the drug rehabilitation landscape in the Philippines was changing in light of the threat to life and liberty of people who use drugs. In , a significant Number of admissions in rehabilitation facilities residential and outpatient during the Duterte administration. Nevertheless, the protocols in the mega rehab center reflect typical programs in drug treatment and rehabilitation centers nationwide. Guided by the Manual of Operations for Drug Abuse Treatment and Rehabilitation Centers , which sets the minimum standards for this type of facility, the Department of Health accredits rehabilitation centers—both government and nongovernment owned or operated—based on their compliance with these prescribed uniform standards. Medical service provides comprehensive health care services ranging from routine physical examination and screening procedure for diagnosis, treatment and follow-up of illnesses and other medical problems. Psychiatric service provides therapy to drug abusers with behavioural and psychiatric disorders through, among others, chemotherapy, individual and group psychotherapy, family therapy and occupational therapy conducted by a psychiatric team. A psychiatric team shall include a psychiatrist, psychologist and social worker. This may include an occupational therapist and para-professional worker. Spiritual and religious services include the development of moral and spiritual values of the drug dependent. It has been noted that the spiritual foundation of patients has been very weak that this could not provide support to them to enable them to cope with their problems and conflicts. Strengthening the spiritual foundation would involve, among others, reorientation of moral values, spiritual renewal, bible study and other charismatic sessions. It aims to bring them closer to God and better relate to their fellowmen. Various religious and civic organizations can be contacted to provide services. Spiritual counselling shall be helpful in aiding and resolution of individual and family problems. Referral service involves the process of identifying accurately the problems of the patient and sending him to the agency that can provide the appropriate services. Sports and recreation services provide facilities for sports and recreation to offer patients the opportunity to engage in constructive activities and to establish peer relationship as an alternative to drug abuse. The emphasis in all activities should be on developing the discipline necessary to improve skills and on gaining respect for good physical health. Aftercare and follow-up services provided to the patient after the primary rehabilitation program. Aftercare activities can be viewed as the first line of defence against relapse. This is for a period not exceeding eighteen 18 months and should be undertaken by the appropriate Center personnel. The manual further provides optional additional services, which may include placement service for work opportunities, volunteer service opportunities to assist the rehabilitation center, and educational opportunities. Presently, people who use drugs undergo drug treatment and rehabilitation programs and services following the guidelines set under Board Regulation No. Under this regulation, a verified application must be filed to the DDB to access a treatment and rehabilitation program. The application may be made by the person who uses drugs or by parents, spouses, guardians, or relatives within the fourth degree of consanguinity. The second and third modes are not unique to the Duterte administration, but a significant increase in arrests have been noted in the past six years, leading to congestion in jails. According to the most recent data from the Bureau of Jail Management and Penology, there are now 80, persons deprived of liberty detained for violation of the national drug law. A country whose youths are mental and physical wrecks will be hopelessly doomed to ignominy unredeemable until, if that is possible, a new and strong breed will rise up from the ruins. These are the worst saboteurs and are worthy of the highest punishments. For they destroy the youth, the hope of the land. Notably, however, drug treatment and rehabilitation remains largely compulsory in the Philippines, with evidence-based initiatives in some communities seen as the exception to general forced treatments that often have little or no scientific basis. As reported by the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime and UNAIDS, the Philippines continues to detain people who use drugs in closed settings, often against their will, without sufficient human rights safeguards and forces them to undergo rehabilitation for an average duration of ten months. A number of episodes during the Duterte administration are illustrative. Our hearts reach out in love and compassion to our sons and daughters suffering from drug dependence and addiction. Drug addicts are children of God equal in dignity with the sober ones. Drug addicts are sick brethren in need of healing deserving of new life. They are patients begging for recovery. They may have behaved as scum and rubbish but the saving love of Jesus Christ is first and foremost for them. As criticism mounted, including from the political opposition, Duterte at one point appointed Vice President Leni Robredo—the highest-ranking member of the opposition—as chair of the Inter-Agency Committee on Anti-Illegal Drugs. Although her tenure was short-lived—17 days—her report, which she published months after, is reflective of her view. Tellingly, when the leading candidate—Ferdinand Marcos Jr. That should be the focus so that he can be arrested and stopped. Instead of rumor-mongering, the candidate should be arrested and placed in rehab. The parallels in high incarceration rates in the United States and the Philippines and similar institutional configurations e. Because they do not specifically address the question of why a particular form of rehabilitation has gained uncritical popular and political acceptance, these explanations are at best partial and would require corroboration through cultural histories and contemporary ethnographic accounts of rehabilitation today. There is a dangerous tendency for reform advocates to condemn extrajudicial killings and due process rights violations as human rights concerns, while supporting rehabilitation as an acceptable alternative. As we have observed, the motivations behind gross human rights violations and forcing people to treatment are the same: the dehumanization of people who use drugs and the removal of their autonomy to decide on the treatment approaches that respond to their felt needs. Relatedly, drug testing has been transformed into a diagnostic and prosecutorial tool for treating people who use drugs. Despite the problematics of drug rehabilitation in the Philippines being strongly determined by political and popular approaches to drug issues, recent developments suggest that a changing paradigm is not beyond the range of possibilities. In the first place, the DDB has recognized the failures of closed settings in its approach to rehabilitation. The public admission that the mega rehab center was a mistake because it uproots people who use drugs from their families and the policy shift toward more community-based interventions are important concessions made as the country transitions to a more public health-based framework. Notably, the country has not closed down compulsory rehabilitation facilities and appears to be far from doing so. Policy officials, too, have learned important lessons from the drug war, leading them to revise the national guidelines on rehabilitation. Academic networks have been formed, and publications that problematize the drug war have allowed for dialogues nudging policy makers toward reform. Second, although, as mentioned above, presidential politics have largely embraced the killings-versus-rehabilitation binary, lawmakers have in fact filed harm reduction bills and similar initiatives. This is an important step to challenge the binary framework and to introduce a genuine option that promotes autonomy, human dignity, and health. Nevertheless, legislative change is necessary. We can no longer avoid and delay the conversation on decriminalization of drug use, as it is apparent that the courts—supposedly the champions of human dignity—have become agents for compulsory rehabilitation. In the Philippines, people are ordered to undergo rehabilitation or face imprisonment. People arrested for drug-related offenses bargain for a lesser penalty, which includes rehabilitation. Jails are now formally considered centers for rehabilitation, putting into question the capacity of these institutions to provide the standards necessary for genuine health programs. For example, the United Nations Joint Programme for Human Rights in the Philippines has become an important platform for introducing human rights-based approaches to drug control. Among other things, it calls for the improvement of prison conditions and development of community-based programs. If it is to make further progress in the country, however, the joint program must implement the international consensus on ending compulsory rehabilitation and invest in a transition toward voluntary services, following the consensus from the Third Regional Consultation on Compulsory Centres for Drug Users in Asia and the Pacific, and further accommodating the recommendations from the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime and UNAIDS on adopting voluntary community-based services as the framework for drug-related programs and interventions. Thus, international support must not be merely a transplantation of practices from abroad but a genuine privileging of the voices of the communities whose lives involve drugs. Crucial to this project is empowering local actors e. Finally, the long-standing support for forced rehabilitation ultimately rests on how people who use drugs are perceived by the public and leaders, both political and religious. Thus, any attempt to reform must involve careful thinking as to how public attitudes can be changed. Admittedly, this sociocultural foundation that supports compulsory rehabilitation is the hardest to break. However, cultural values such as the importance of family can be important themes in counter-narratives that can support family- and community-based approaches. Similarly, amplifying narratives from people who use drugs themselves can illuminate the lived realities of drug rehabilitation for the general public. More fundamentally, however, we need to deepen our understanding of the paradigms that inform the rigid binary to be able to transition to a framework that fully embraces human rights and public health. However, as we have shown in this paper, there is very little difference between jails and rehabilitation centers in terms of both philosophy and practice; in fact, jails are now centers for compulsory treatment. Those who seek to reform this untenable status quo need to capitalize on recent policy reforms, informed by a vibrant civil society and supported by the international community, to end the era of forced rehabilitation, with local actors and stakeholders empowered to take the lead. As the Philippines undertakes a change of leadership, advocates in the country and elsewhere must recognize the need to go beyond addressing killings and insist on a discussion about what kind of rehabilitation should exist—and for whom—and about how to genuinely expand our responses to drug-related issues in a way that goes beyond criminal and medical frameworks. As a library, NLM provides access to scientific literature. Health Hum Rights. Find articles by Gideon Lasco. Find articles by Lee Edson Yarcia. Open in a new tab. Similar articles. Add to Collections. Create a new collection. Add to an existing collection. Choose a collection Unable to load your collection due to an error Please try again. 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Palawan where can I buy cocaine