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For nearly three weeks, the small town had managed to dodge the ethnic violence between the Meitei community and the Kuki-Zo tribespeople that had engulfed the rest of the state since May 3. But that day, four people were killed in the area and 12 injured as bullets found their way from surrounding hilly regions and from a camp dominated by the Kuki-Zo community. Our reinforcements, including the police and our civilian volunteers, started firing back. Eleven months on, the conflict has killed people, injured 1,, displaced 60, and divided the state into ethnic territories. Armed groups have been fighting battles using sophisticated weapons and explosives in rural parts for territorial control even as more than 60, armed forces of the federal government and the state have so far failed to bring a durable end to the violence. Modi was referring to the historical discrimination felt by tribal communities, including the Kukis, who live on the hillsides and feel that the Meitei community is economically more prosperous than them and are in the majority in the smaller valleys and the capital, Imphal. It appeared true at the time. In several parts of the hills, the civil society and the rebel groups of the Kuki-Zo community canvassed for Chief Minister Singh, and top politicians of the tribal community lined up for tickets from his party. Chief Minister Singh swept the elections. In his second tenure beginning , the BJP won five of the 10 state assembly seats from the Kuki-dominated hill constituencies. Two out of seven MLAs became ministers in his cabinet. Now, as the state prepares to vote in national elections on April 19 and April 26, those divisions have become entrenched, with a resurgence in armed groups formed along ethnic lines, as the first part of this series showed. It also revealed a presentation by the Assam Rifles that listed several factors that played a role in igniting the conflict: illegal immigrants from Myanmar, the demand for Kukiland, political authoritarianism and ambition of Chief Minister Singh and his war on drugs among others. The war on drugs first played a significant role in the political landscape and later in fuelling the conflict in Manipur. This concluding part of the series investigates how the drug trade and politics over it have roiled Manipur. Poor economic conditions, lack of job opportunities and easy availability of drugs had led to a high number of drug addicts in the state, he said. He was not wrong. It was accelerated by the armed groups who found easy money. He was referring to the array of armed rebel groups of different ethnicities, including the Kuki and Meitei fighters, that proliferate in Manipur and are involved in the drug trade across the porous borders with Myanmar. Jogesh, who also heads the Users Society for Effective Response — one of the oldest community organisations of drug abuse victims in the state — said their field workers had found poppy cultivation in the hills of Manipur as far back as That month, sitting inside a shanty house in a corner of the Churachandpur district, which is dominated by the Kuki-Zo community, I met a few poppy cultivators. The government does not officially put out such estimates, so Al Jazeera could not verify these numbers. For a tiny state with a population of about 2. Five months after the chief minister announced a war on drugs, his wife was accused of having connections to an alleged drug lord from the Kuki-Zo community. The claim came from no less than the additional superintendent of police in the Narcotics and Affairs of Border Bureau, Thounaojam Brinda, who later resigned. Zou, who had jumped bail, was later acquitted of all charges. All those named by Brinda in her affidavit have denied their role in the drug trade before the courts and in public statements, and none have been convicted of any offences. The Kuki-dominated hills border Myanmar, and there are recorded cases of the border region being used as routes to funnel drugs just as in other hilly parts of Manipur and other states bordering Myanmar. What is audacious is Manipur has one of the largest presence of paramilitary forces, the army and intelligence in the country. According to news reports at the time, the consignment was being smuggled from Moreh. While it is unclear if any disequilibrium in the drug trade could have led to the crisis, the first part of this series looked at the immediate causes of the conflict based on a presentation by the Assam Rifles on the Manipur conflict. In fact, Moreh has come to be the most recent flashpoint in the conflict between the Meitei and Kuki-Zo communities with intermittent fighting taking place there since the end of December. This took a drastic turn on January 17 with a hour gunfight ensuing between Kuki fighters and the Manipur police commandos. In February, India scrapped the Indo—Myanmar Free Movement Regime FMR where residents within 16km 10 miles of the border had been allowed to cross without a visa, using just a border pass, a move vehemently opposed by the local Kuki-Zo and Naga groups. With accusations against him petering off, Biren in claimed again his war on drugs was going well. In January , in a post on X, the chief minister said the government had destroyed acres about 45 hectares of poppy cultivation in the hills. A year later when the conflict began in May , several Meitei civil society organisations gave the drug trade a communal colour by claiming that drug running was largely the business of the Kuki community. The trope caught on. The Kuki political leaders accused the chief minister of communalising the state and targeting their community by supporting new Meitei armed groups, Arambai Tenggol and Meitei Leepun. If someone wants to fight elections, you need to have their blessing. As the ethnic conflict intensifies, both rebel groups and political leaders from the Kuki community, who once allied with the Meitei chief minister, are now visibly distancing themselves. Unlike the general elections when it fielded a Kuki-Zo, this time the BJP does not have a candidate for the Outer Manipur seat, which covers the hill districts. Despite holding Biren Singh responsible for the ethnic conflict, Kuki leaders within the BJP have not yet resigned either from his cabinet or the party. One of the key demands these groups have consistently rallied around since the onset of the conflict is the establishment of a separate administration, cleaved out of Manipur. Considering the anger against the Meitei community, and particularly against Biren Singh, it seems impossible for a candidate endorsed by the state chief minister to win a by-election in the Kuki-dominated hills. But the MLA hinted otherwise. That is what they wanted and that has been how politics has been played in India. In the upcoming elections, no Kuki-Zo candidates are contesting. The layers of Manipur politics, the linkages between the political elite and their interests across ethnic divides, defy a simpler image of a clash between two communities. Gun-toting men, young and old, now sit and guard their villages from the neighbouring Kuki and Meitei villages. Every few days, there are headlines on gunfire exchanges and deaths. By Angana Chakrabarti. Published On 16 Apr 16 Apr Sponsored Content.

Behind India’s Manipur conflict: A tale of drugs, armed groups and politics

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New Delhi buying Heroin