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Authors: Milton Diamond 1,4 , Eva Jozifkova 2 , Petr Weiss 3
1 University of Hawaii, John A. Burns School of Medicine, Pacific Center for Sex & Society, Hawaii, USA
2 J.E. Purkynje University in Ústí nad Labem,
Department of Biology, Czech Republic
3 Institute of Sexology, Charles University, Prague, Czech Republic
4 To whom correspondence should be addressed at University of Hawaii, John A. Burns School of Medicine, Pacific Center for Sex & Society,
1960 East-West Road, Honolulu, Hawaii 96822 USA; e-mail: diamond@hawaii.edu.
Published (online) in: Archives of Sexual Behavior 30 November 2010
This is a pre-publication version. The final publication is available at
www.springerlink.com . An erratum is at http://www.springerlink.com/content/rr945555364t0261 .
Acknowledgments: The authors deeply thank:
Msc. Tomas Husak at Ministry of Justice of the Czech Republic
Ing. Bc. Vladimir Stolin at Ministry of Interior of the Czech Republic
Mr. Pavel Kvoriak at PK 62 Inc.
Mrs. Barbora Capitova at Czech Statistical Office
Martin Konvicka, Ph.D., at University of South Bohemia.
This work was supported by grant 53221-15-0001-01 from the J.S. Purkinje University in Usti nad Labem, Czech Republic.
Pornography continues to be a contentious matter with those on the one side arguing it detrimental to society while others argue it is pleasurable to many and a feature of free speech. The advent of the Internet with the ready availability of sexually explicit materials thereon particularly has seemed to raise questions of its influence. This study, following the effects of a new law in the Czech Republic that allowed pornography to a society previously having forbidden it allowed us to monitor the change in sex related crime that followed the change. As found in all other countries in which the phenomenon has been studied, rape and other sex crimes did not increase. Of particular note is that this country, like Denmark and Japan, had a prolonged interval during which possession of child pornography was not illegal and, like those other countries, showed a significant decrease in the incidence of child sex abuse.
Pornography; Rape; Child Sex Abuse; Internet; Sex Crimes; Murder
One of the most contentious areas of expression and free speech is that related to the presentation of sexual matters. Different factions in many societies object in different ways. Some are opposed to any graphic or open depiction or discussion of topics remotely related to sex; others desire an end to even minor restrictions on such displays. Certainly, people differ widely on what might be considered pornographic; some people even see popular magazines like Playboy pornographic (Asiaone, 2008). Extremists in the debate argue that pornography is a catalyst promoting sex crimes and rape in particular. Such persons have their own broad definition of pornography.
Among the most prominent expressions against pornography are in the works of Dworkin (1981) and MacKinnon and Dworkin (1988). These women are so convinced of the negative effects of such materials they believe they ought to be restricted in availability and made illegal. On the other hand, there are many women in favor of sexually explicit materials (SEM) or at least against its censorship (Newitz, 2002; Strossen, 1995; Tiefer, 1995;). The anti-censorship and pro pornography side of the argument holds that pornography is an expression of fantasies that provide pleasure (Christensen, 1990), are media that can inhibit sexual activity (Wolf, 2003), and materials that can even act as a positive displacement activity for sexual aggression (D'Amato, 2006; Goldstein, Kant, Judd, Rice, & Green, 1971).
In an effort to study this issue, research has often been to expose subjects–usually university students--to SEM and then, with pencil and paper survey testing, evaluate their responses to questions posed as if these would be a reflection of their actual behavior (Donnerstein, Linz & Penrod, 1987). A more fruitful method, started by the Danish researcher Kutchinsky, was to see what actually happened in those countries that transitioned from having a strict ban on SEM availability to a situation where the material was decriminalized. Using data gathered from various governmental records, Kutchinsky (1991) compared the relevant increase in available SEM following the liberalization of antipornography laws in Denmark, Sweden, West Germany, and the U.S. with both pre- and post- liberalization data regarding sex crimes reported in these countries. His research found that, in the countries studied, the rates of rape, sexual assault, and other sex crimes either decreased or essentially remained stable following the ready availability of erotic materials of all sorts. In none did sex crimes of any type increase.
Other countries have been investigated to see if Kutchinsky's findings would hold across diverse cultures and traditions. Three Asian locations studied, Japan (Diamond & Uchiyama, 1999), Shanghai, China (Diamond, 1999) and Hong Kong (Ng & Ma, 2001) with very different histories and social structures from those studied earlier, also found that available government records showed that, while the amount and availability of pornography increased, the rates of sexual crimes decreased. Reassessment of the situation in the U.S. (Diamond, 1999) also supported this pattern, as did studies conducted in Croatia (Landripet, Stulhofer, & Diamond, 2006) and Finland (Diamond & Kontula, 2009).
The current article reports findings from a Slavic country, the Czech Republic, with its own religious and cultural traditions unlike any previously studied. During the 1948-1989 communist regime, the laws and customs were extremely puritanical. Pornography, by any definition was absolutely prohibited. Even the depiction of naked bodies, as well as descriptions of sexual activities in fictional novels or magazines, were almost non-existent. With the 1989 transition to democracy in the country the ban on pornography was lifted and a sexual permissiveness followed. In 1990, the availability and ownership of SEM increased explosively. Even the possession of child pornography was not a criminal offense.
Czechoslovakia ( Ceskoslovensko ) had been a sovereign federated government formed in 1918 and consisting of two separate states. On 1 January 1993, the federation peacefully split into the Czech Republic and Slovakia. Prior to the division, all judicial and police data were kept separate for each state and compiled for national statistics. For the present study, only the pre- and post- separation population and crime data pertinent to the Czech Republic were used.
The time ranges used for this investigation basically started in the mid 1970s, a 15 year period in which various sex-related materials, even items like Playboy magazine, were banned. With the end of communism and the coming of democracy in November and December 1989, application of the laws regarding the dissemination and availability of pornography were considerably loosened so that even the possession of child pornography was not illegal. This period covers 18 years of major sociopolitical changes, including the country's Velvet Revolution, first free elections, establishment of a democratic government to replace communism (1990), and peaceful separation from Slovakia. Our study period ended with data from 2007. 1
In the Czech Republic, the laws concerning pornography are somewhat vague. The Czech Criminal Code (Act No. 140/1961, as amended) leaves the exact definition of these legal terms to case law and to jurisprudence. As a result, it does not explicitly define pornographic works. According to Czech legal practice, a pornographic work can be any product that directly or by means of technical devices (e.g., film, video, the Internet) affects and stimulates the sexual instinct in a very intense and obtrusive manner. Essentially, any "material endangering morality" may be considered excessively sexually graphic and subject to criminal penalty. Section 205 of the Czech criminal code is the principal regulation applicable to the distribution of pornography. The basis for this law has been in existence since 1961. In practice, the law essentially prohibits the production, dissemination, trafficking, or sale of sex related materials in any form that might be considered socially damaging. Under the communist regime, the law was very broadly interpreted. Police and court actions would even judge nude pictures as social ills and impose punishments. The criteria for determining the materials illegality was not specifically stipulated.
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