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Contact us. Netflix Home. A cheap, powerful drug emerges during a recession, igniting a moral panic fueled by racism. Explore the complex history of crack in the s. Watch all you want. Join Now. More Details. Watch offline. Download and watch everywhere you go. Documentary Films. This movie is Provocative, Investigative. More Like This. Go behind the scenes of Netflix TV shows and movies, see what's coming soon and watch bonus videos on Tudum.

Crack: Cocaine, Corruption & Conspiracy

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Subscribe at a discount here. Unfortunately for US intelligence chiefs, the accusations made by Webb and other journalists have continued to flare up in popular culture, where the opportunity to combine two movie archetypes, the spook and the gangster, seems irresistible. Ultimately the CIA-drug story says a lot more about American society on the eve of the millennium than it does about either CIA or the media. We live in somewhat coarse and emotional times — when large numbers of Americans do not adhere to the same standards of logic, evidence, or even civil discourse as those practiced by members of the CIA community. Happily, there were exceptions to this rule. Although he did not mention it by name, Dujmovic can only have been referring to a report published in by Massachusetts senator John Kerry and his team after an investigation by the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations. If the CIA really considers the Kerry Committee report to be an exoneration of its record, it is hard to know what it might view as an indictment. While Kerry did not find evidence that CIA bosses had deliberately orchestrated the sale of drugs in US cities, his conclusions were still damning:. It is clear that individuals who provided support for the Contras were involved in drug trafficking, the supply network of the Contras was used by drug trafficking organizations, and elements of the Contras themselves knowingly received financial and material assistance from drug traffickers. In each case, one or another agency of the U. It is a lot of people. The pattern of complicity did not begin or end in Langley. Instead of reporting these individuals to the appropriate law enforcement agencies, it appears that some officials may have turned a blind eye to these activities. The findings of the Kerry Commission report offer ample support for the accusations of at least indirect CIA facilitation of the drug trade. As Kornbluh noted, there was a long history of gatekeeping in this field, which dated back to the release of the Iran-Contra report in November It was Webb and his editors who finally put the issue on the news agenda in , assisted by the rise of the internet and by black radio stations that amplified and sometimes embellished the principal claims. Inevitably, they were able to find some holes in the Mercury News articles. Reporting on the activity of criminal gangs, paramilitary groups, and intelligence agencies is not like reporting on Capitol Hill: the leading actors try very hard to cover their tracks, leaving major gaps in the documentary record, and individual pieces of evidence will often be open to multiple interpretations. According to the Times , Ross was really a minor figure, of no great consequence in the story of crack. Even if the evidence does not support the strong version of this thesis, the well-documented truth is scarcely less damning. To counter extreme charges that the CIA targeted communities of color for crack distribution to finance the Contra war, Deutch must concede a different, but equally scandalous truth: the willingness of national security officials to consort with dope peddlers simply because they had a contribution to make to the covert war against Sandinista Nicaragua. It will be up to Deutch to convince those who have suffered from this chilling set of Cold War priorities that the CIA is now committed to preventing the criminalization of national security doctrine. But the link between US foreign policy and drug trafficking did not begin or end with Central America in the s. Clandestine operations foster such enterprises in much the same way that swamps foster malaria. In the s, the CIA sent weapons to anti-communist Chinese warlords who had crossed over into northern Burma, enabling them to carve out their own slice of territory. The warlords started growing opium to fund their activities, and the Golden Triangle was born. Robert Oakley, US ambassador to Pakistan between and , complained that the local CIA station was working hand in glove with Afghan mujahideen leaders who were heavily involved in the narcotics trade, even after the withdrawal of Soviet troops:. I kept asking the Station to obtain information on this traffic from its sources inside Afghanistan. They denied that they had any sources capable of doing so. They could not deny that they had sources, since we were getting information on weapons and other matters. Never got a satisfactory answer. Nothing ever happened. The Colombian courts later ruled that the terms of the law were unconstitutional. The paramilitary chiefs, now facing the prospect of serious jail time, felt that Uribe had betrayed them, and they were about to start speaking freely about his long record of collusion with their activities. Happily for Uribe, he had friends in Washington ready to help him out of a sticky situation. The paramilitaries were wanted for drug trafficking offenses in the United States, but Uribe had hitherto refused to extradite them. He suddenly reversed that policy and had them bundled out of the country overnight so that no Colombian judge could interfere. Infamous figures like Salvatore Mancuso now passed into the hands of the US authorities. A New York Times investigation found some extraordinary irregularities in the handling of their cases:. The leaders extradited en masse will have served an average of 10 years, at most, for drug conspiracies that involved tons of cocaine. By comparison, federal inmates convicted of crack cocaine trafficking — mostly street-level dealers who sold less than an ounce — serve on average just over 12 years in prison. But, you know, it was a civil war down there. I always wanted to believe that if I was put in the same situation, I would have done things differently. By any rational standard, the fact that the paramilitary leaders had used their drug profits to pay for a campaign of mass murder should have been an aggravating factor, resulting in stiffer sentences. In the name of protecting the homeland and keeping its people safe, these agencies have consistently pursued policies that increased the dangers they were supposed to combat. The work of reporters like Gary Webb brought that reality home to everyone who suffered, directly or indirectly, from the explosion of crack addiction and the violent criminality that accompanied it. Remove Icon. While Kerry did not find evidence that CIA bosses had deliberately orchestrated the sale of drugs in US cities, his conclusions were still damning: It is clear that individuals who provided support for the Contras were involved in drug trafficking, the supply network of the Contras was used by drug trafficking organizations, and elements of the Contras themselves knowingly received financial and material assistance from drug traffickers. Robert Oakley, US ambassador to Pakistan between and , complained that the local CIA station was working hand in glove with Afghan mujahideen leaders who were heavily involved in the narcotics trade, even after the withdrawal of Soviet troops: I kept asking the Station to obtain information on this traffic from its sources inside Afghanistan. A New York Times investigation found some extraordinary irregularities in the handling of their cases: The leaders extradited en masse will have served an average of 10 years, at most, for drug conspiracies that involved tons of cocaine.

Nelson buying coke