Nasty War

Nasty War

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© 2022 Western New York Public Broadcasting Association 140 Lower Terrace Buffalo, NY 14202 Mailing Address: Horizons Plaza P.O. Box 1263 Buffalo, NY 14240-1263 Buffalo Toronto Public Media | Phone 716-845-7000 WBFO Newsroom | Phone: 716-845-7040

Published December 3, 2012 at 10:00 AM EST

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The racist shooting at Tops has renewed the spotlight on right-wing extremism across the country. So what does right-wing extremism look like here in Western New York? And what does the local far-right have to say about their ideology?

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© 2022 Western New York Public Broadcasting Association 140 Lower Terrace Buffalo, NY 14202 Mailing Address: Horizons Plaza P.O. Box 1263 Buffalo, NY 14240-1263 Buffalo Toronto Public Media | Phone 716-845-7000 WBFO Newsroom | Phone: 716-845-7040
This year marks the 200th anniversary of the start of the War of 1812. It was a savage war that neither side won, but which changed the lives of generations of people along the Niagara Frontier. WBFO News contributor Rich Kellman begins a week-long series of reports with a look at how the war began.
The war was one of the least understood and most savage in the history of the Niagara Frontier. Maybe you’ve driven past a reminder near Buffalo Airport on Aero Drive, a small cemetery, marked by a cannon and small white crosses.
"There’s a total of about 600 remains here, about equal between Americans and British," said Amherst town historian David Sherman.
The War of 1812 was nasty. It was brutal.
"The fighting here on the Niagara Frontier was horrific," said local historian Patrick Kavanaugh.
Both sides used fire as a weapon. They burned Buffalo to the ground and Black Rock and Lewiston, and what would someday be Toronto and Niagara-on-the-Lake.
Some 20,000 died in the war, 15,000 from disease alone.
"If you were to ask the citizens, on both sides of the Niagara River, the vast majority were against this war. They didn’t want this," said Kavanaugh.
"To the average person here, what were they thinking?", asked Kellman.
"I don’t think the common person knew what was going on," said Kavanaugh.
What was the War of 1812 all about anyway? Seemed awfully confusing. The United States declared war on England, but attacked Canada, a British colony. It all began a decade earlier in Europe.
England was at war with Napoleon’s France on land and sea. The British captured and impressed American sailors into the British navy and restricted American trade with France.
"It would be difficult to sail across the ocean and do any damage to a major European power, but Canada, if we could take off a chunk of Canada, we might get some concessions from the British," said Douglas Decroix, historian of Western New York Heritage Press.
"So Canada was a proxy for Britain?", asked Kellman.
In Congress, the drumbeat for war grew louder.
“We had probably the biggest war hawk, expansionist there was in America, and he was a congressman and a general in the militia, and he was the infamous Peter B. Porter of Black Rock," said Kavanaugh.
"He’s a hero, isn’t he?," asked Kellman.
"Well, yeah, ok, however, he’s the one that’s on the floor of congress demanding the annexation of Canada," said Kavanaugh.
But how much of that was just talk?
"The acquisition of Canada was not a major war aim, other than as a means to an end," said Decroix.
On October 13, 1812, the Americans launch an attack on Queenston Heights.
"The American army launches here at Lewiston Landing," said Decorix. "And it didn’t go so well.”
The river was treacherous. The American army disorganized. The local militias refused to cross to a foreign country, and Queenston Heights on the other side was nearly 300 feet straight up.
"The sun comes up eventually on the morning of October 13th as there’s boats in the river," said Jim Hill of Canada’s Niagara Parks. "And one of the boats with probably 40 men on board takes a direct hit, sinks, all the men are lost. Other boats look up at a 20-foot, 30-foot bluff lined with muskets. trying to fight your way up that hill would have been impossible. they were all captured.”
The British soldiers were more disciplined, their officers experienced. But their commander, the legendary General Sir Isaac Brock is killed in the early hours of the battle. He becomes Canada’s first national war hero. But the British have a secret weapon.
“The British want the Americans to be afraid of what’s hiding in the woods," said Hill.
In the woods of Queenston Heights was a force specializing in guerilla warfare. They terrified the Americans and were instrumental in turning the battle against the invaders and driving them back across the Niagara River.
The war went on for two-and-a-half years. It became a bitter war of retribution. The Americans burned the capitol of upper Canada, the British burned Buffalo and the White House and the Library of Congress.
Francis Scott key wrote what became our national anthem during the attack on Ft. McHenry in Baltimore, and Andrew Jackson won the battle of New Orleans. Turned out, though, that the agreement to end the war was reached several weeks earlier.
In the end, neither side won any territory, nobody gained any treasure. Along the way there were spectacular naval battles on Lake Erie, stories of individual bravery and monstrous betrayals and a pistol duel fought on grand island between two American officers because one insulted the other.

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A continuation of my USFL Project, this is a "hypothetical" season that features all 18 clubs from '84, with some modifications to rosters.

-7 minute quarters
-Stats after every quarter
-Wedge Returns
-Directional Punting
-Formation Experimentations
-Graphic Tweaks, including funky end zones (watching USFL games I came to admire how bad the end zones often looked)
-Stat Tweaks

-Offensive Formation Tweaks
-3 team, 3 Division Structure
-12 teams make playoffs (as opposed to original 8 teams)
-18 game, locked, '85 schedule
-All Pro: '85 All-NFL Vs. '85 All-USFL in Vanilla (Gerald Riggs replaces Eric Dickerson on NFL All-Pros)

-As the four clubs that folded/merged are returning, '85 territorial lists returned to their general '84 designations, and new players were redistributed. The imagined '85 rosters of the Blitz, Maulers, Outlaws, and Panthers generally resemble their '84 assemblies, though I did take liberties and retained players. This meant the surviving clubs had to be reworked. I tried to keep these "realistic" by filling gaps with actual territorial selections or by doing research into near-miss signings. Dickerson, for instance, did consider an offer from the Wranglers in '83 and used the league as leverage for negotiations in '85.

-These rosters are continued from my reimagined '84 roster. If you want accuracy, an NFL and USFL '85 hack by Buck on TBorg has real-life rosters and some cool graphics.

The schedule is an adaptation of the original '84--I flipped interdivisional and conference hosts, but they are the same "pattern"; I did shuffle the weeks around to avoid the same schedule. If I can get to an '86, maybe I can make one that swaps inter-conference and inter-divisional matchups.

*Year denotes their territorial selection; unmarked players were territorial or Open Draft selections in ‘85 unless noted.

Arizona
Ron Brown ('84)
Randall Cunningham
Rickey Hunley ('84)
Vernon Maxwell ('83)
Rick Mallory ('84)
Pete Mandley (‘84)
Rich Moran
Vance Johnson
Lionel Vital

Baltimore
Troy Benson ('85 Maulers territorial pick, traded for Mike Johnson, imagined)

Birmingham
Al Del Greco
Kevin Greene
Paul Ott Carruth
Emmanuel King
Freddie Joe Nunn
Jerry Rice

Chicago
Carl Aikens ('84)
Dwight Beverly ('84)
Bobby Bell Jr. ('84)
Mitchell Brookins ('84)
Mike Burgereau (‘84)
Jeff Dellenbach
Babe Laufenberg ('83)
Alex Moyer
Ken Stills
Stacey Toran ('84)
Al Toon
Dan Turk

Houston
Ray Childress
Jeff Fuller (‘84)
Raphel Cherry

Memphis
Tiger Greene
Herman Hunter
Fuad Reviz
Chris Scott ('84)
Gizmo Williams
Carl Zander

Michigan
Carl Banks ('84)
Mike Green ('83)
Ali Haji-Sheikh (‘83)
Paul Skansi ('83)
Steve Smith ('84)
Daryl Turner ('84)
Lonnie Young

New Jersey
Steve DeOssie
Lionel Emmanuel ('84 LA territorial pick, imagined trade w/LA)
Herman Fontenot
Doug Flutie
Eugene Robinson

Dino Hall
Calvin Magee*
Eric Martin
Lance Smith
Elton Veals ('84)

Oakland
Damon Allen (imagined rights trade w/LA)
Bo Eason ('84)
Damone Johnson
Reggie Langhorne
Tom Neville
Ron Rivera (‘84)
Tom Toth
Dokie Williams (‘83)

Oklahoma
Tom Benson ('84)
Scott Case ('84)
John Goode ('84)
Jamie Harris
Rodney Harding
Shawn Jones
Kevin Murphy
Terry Orr (imagined rights trade w/San Antonio)

Pittsburgh
Dwight Collins ('84)
Chris Doleman
Willie Drewery
Tom Flynn ('84)
Bill Fralic
John Frank ('84)
Mike Johnson ('84 territorial pick, signed w/Baltimore, imagined trade w/Baltimore for rights to Troy Benson)
Tony Paige ('84)
Doug Strang
Ron Wolfley

San Antonio
Danny Bradley (imagined rights trade w/Oklahoma for Terry Orr, though an actual territorial selection in ‘85)
Alan Veingrad

Tampa Bay
Eddie Brown
Steve Calabria (NJ territorial pick, imagined traded to Bandits though Jim Bassett claimed to sign him in '85)

Washington
George Adams
Louis Cooper
Mike Golic
Willie Joyner ('84)
Lester Lyles
Bob Olderman
Andre Reed
Chris Washington ('84)

Free Agency/Veteran Transactions/Returning from ‘84 What-If Hack

Arizona
Eric Dickerson
Ronnie Lott (1-year deal offered during hold-out)

Denver
John Grimsley
Prince McJunkins

Jacksonville
Deron Cherry (imagined)
Brian Sipe (trade w/New Jersey for draft pick)

LA
Reggie Brown (played '83, appeared in one game in '84, stays w/LA for '85, imagined)

Michigan
Anthony Allen (trade w/LA before club folded)

New Jersey
Mark May (imagined but offered)
Randy White (imagined but offered)

New Orleans
EJ Junior
Johnny Meads
Alan Risher (trade w/Arizona, imagined)

Oklahoma
Greg Kragen
Darrol Ray (nearly signed for '85 back in '83)
J.C. Watts (expressed interest, rights held by NJ)

Pittsburgh
Jeff Hostetler (offered in '84)
Russ Grimm (offered in '84)

San Antonio
Earl Campbell (offered in '83)

Tampa Bay
Cris Collinsworth (signed to start playing in '85)
Wilber Marshall

*Will appear in a future USFL Hack

Edited September 23, 2021 by Tombor

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The post-Cold War era ended abruptly on the morning of September. 11, 2001. From the moment terrorists turned jetliners into weapons of mass destruction, the United States was inescapably engaged in a new “war” against global terrorism. The Bush administration now intends to make that war the central organizing principle of America’s foreign and defense policies.
This war is not like the one against Iraq a decade ago, when the United States and its allies had a clear territorial objective that could be swiftly achieved. It is also not like the war over Kosovo in 1999, in which the Serbs relented after 78 days of bombing Yugoslavia and NATO suffered no combat deaths. And while the attacks on New York and Washington immediately brought to mind memories of Pearl Harbor, the United States campaign against terrorism will not be like America’s effort to force Japan’s unconditional surrender.
The campaign against terrorism is instead much more like the cold war of the past century. Like the fight against Soviet communism, today’s campaign against terrorism is likely to be nasty, brutish, and long. Because of the diverse nature of the threat, the United States has no clear vision of when or how the war will end. Complete success in the military operations in Afghanistan will not necessarily mean victory. Osama bin Laden’s Al Qaeda network of terrorists extends well beyond Afghanistan. It could easily reconstitute itself even if the United States captures or kills bin Laden and his lieutenants. Future attacks might even involve the use of sophisticated germ warfare or radiological weapons, if not nuclear weapons.
As at the start of the cold war, the United States response has begun with the arduous task of assembling a global coalition. President Harry Truman’s rousing call in 1947 “to support free peoples who are resisting attempted subjugation by armed minorities or by outside pressures” set the course of United States history for the next four decades. President Bush’s invitation to every nation to join the United States in “civilization’s fight” was phrased as expansively-and intended to be as enduring. In the new war against terrorism the United States also faces ideologically motivated foes who do not shrink from death. America’s fight will end only when, as Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld said, Americans can once again get on with their daily lives without fear or thought of a possible terrorist attack. That is a tall order.
A critical question as the United States enters this new “cold war” is whether it has learned the lessons of the last war. Will Washington again overemphasize military force to achieve its goals and give short shrift to the non-military instruments of statecraft? Will it again focus so narrowly on battle that it forgets other important foreign-policy goals? Will it cut deals today to gain support from other nations that will return to haunt it down the road-in much the same way that supporting the shah led to a deeply hostile Iran and arming Afghan rebels to fight the Soviet Union contributed to the terrorist threat the United States faces today? Will it repudiate its own values at home as it tries to fend off an enemy abroad?
It is crucial that the United States fight its new war against terrorism with the dedication and vigor that President Bush has promised. It is also crucial that it fight that war wisely. Washington must recognize the complexities of its new fight-and the pitfalls that lie before it.
The Bush administration’s campaign against terrorism will occur in stages and on multiple fronts. Much of the fight will be conducted through diplomatic pressure; economic, financial, and political sanctions; and intelligence and law enforcement cooperation. But the first phase-capturing or killing bin Laden, destroying his Al Qaeda network in Afghanistan, and deposing the Taliban regime-will be predominantly military.
The administration launched the first phase of its military campaign on October 7, when United States and British forces struck from the air targets in Afghanistan. Administration officials understandably declined to spell out their military strategy in any detail, but early on it appeared to have three components: a Kosovo-style strategic bombing of military targets to weaken the Taliban’s hold on power, Somalia-like commando raids to wipe out the terrorists holed up in the unforgiving countryside, and Nicaragua-like support for the Taliban’s adversaries (especially the Northern Alliance).
The first weeks of the campaign showed just how difficult things could be. Although United States and British forces quickly destroyed obvious Taliban and Al Qaeda targets, they also hit several civilian sites. These accidents raised tensions within the international coalition the White House had painstakingly assembled in support of the operation, and especially with neighboring countries, such as Pakistan, that fear pro-Taliban sentiments within their own societies. Both bin Laden and Taliban leader Mullah Mohammed Omar escaped capture, perhaps by fleeing to remote caves and valleys. But they may also have taken refuge somewhere in the city of Khandahar, calculating that they would be safe from attack because of the American desire to avoid hitting civilians.
At the same time, United States and British forces initially refrained from attacking front-line Taliban troops around Kabul for fear that doing so would enable Northern Alliance forces to capture Afghanistan’s capital before Washington could assemble a new pan-Afghan government. But given the fractious nature of Afghani politics, both within and across ethnic groups, it was far from clear that the political campaign could ever catch up with the military one. When attacks on front-line Taliban forces finally began in the third week of the campaign, they did not produce immediate gains by Northern Alliance forces.
With luck, the military campaign against Afghanistan will end in a matter of weeks or months-with bin Laden and his network inside the country eliminated and the Taliban regime toppled from power. But achieving this set of objectives will require a major and prolonged undertaking with significant costs. And when it succeeds, the campaign against terrorism that Bush promised will only have begun. Just as the Korean War blunted communist expansion but did not end it, the administration will need to turn to a long, grinding, difficult and expensive campaign to disrupt, deter, and defeat terrorist operations elsewhere in the world. And while military force will continue to play some role in th
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