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Official websites use. Share sensitive information only on official, secure websites. Email: jgmontes ual. This study attempts to demonstrate the relevance of the socio-cultural model of drugs in explaining the impressive development of ecstasy in the last 45 years. Based on this analysis, the implications of the cultural perspective are discussed as a paradigm of research in drug use, stressing notions of subculture, myths and rituals. It also proposes a harmonious articulation of academic and common knowledge as the most appropriate method for their study. A cultural approach to drug use could assist in unblocking a field so in need of conceptual and empirical revision. In any discussion of why people take drugs and become addicted, there are many different and even contradictory views. This perspective has the advantage of fitting well with a diversity of research programmes. Drug use can thus be explained by psychological processes positive operant reinforcement, respondent reinforcement, etc. Furthermore, this paradigm also deals with the effects drug use has on certain psychological processes memory, learning, motivation, etc. This approach to drug research harmoniously integrates psychology and neuroscience, while enabling the study of drugs and addiction in animals in parallel to humans. However, in spite of its undeniable advantages, this approach to drugs and addictions also has certain drawbacks. Thus, the bio-behavioural explanation prioritises individualistic views and underestimates the importance of social and cultural factors. As explained by Orford Orford, , p. The socio-cultural perspective appears as an alternative to the abstract, decontextualised extrapolations derived from the bio-behavioural model. In the midth century, interest began in the relationship between hallucinogens and culture, and several studies were carried out on the use of psychoactive drugs in traditional societies e. In the same decade, Howard S. Becker, based on in-depth interviews with marihuana users, emphasised the importance of socialisation in the substance before they are finally able to build up a drug habit Becker, The psychedelic explosion in the mid-sixties demonstrated the clear association between drugs and culture. Beyond the undeniable link between LSD and the hippie movement Haer, , Becker analysed psychoses caused by this substance, interpreting them as extreme anxiety reactions to the subjective effects of the drug in individuals who had not been socialised in it or who were not in a context that enabled alternatives to the biomedical explanations. As early as the seventies, Room emphasised the importance of analysing conflictive norms and values in understanding the problem of alcohol in the United States. In the eighties, Stephens called attention to the importance of lifestyle in understanding heroin addiction. Thus, chronic use of heroin could be understood as a commitment by the user to a well-defined lifestyle which offers the addict meaningful social and personal rewards. In this light, the minority socio-cultural perspective argues that drug experience has as much to do with perception, culture and subculture as it has with the pharmacological properties of drugs Milhet et al. This article reviews work from different disciplines to explain the role of culture in the use of drugs and addictions, taking ecstasy as a paradigmatic case. Thus, rather than starting out from a certain socio-cultural perspective and then testing it with data, this study intended to extract the fundamental concepts for understanding the use of ecstasy inductively from a review of the data provided by a socio-historical overview of the substance. In this respect, we think that the short life of ecstasy practically since the mids to date can show the factors which made an absolutely minority drug spread in certain contexts, and finally, become one of the substances most commonly used. Material was taken from impact journals, books and annual reviews in relevant disciplines for an exhaustive critical history of ecstasy in Western culture and its consequences for a logical understanding of drugs linked to certain societies and historical times. The chemical and social development of MDMA goes hand in hand with the now deceased unparalleled pharmacologist, Alexander Shulgin. Although this student related very little about the effects of the drug, it suggested to Shulgin that it was mainly an emotional experience, and that the three girlfriends had had a good reaction to the substance. This encouraged Alexander Shulgin to synthesise the drug again and try it himself. It seems that this psychologist, in addition to his official work, carried out a line of clinical work in which he used several psychedelics to facilitate therapy sessions. In spite of this, therapeutic uses of MDMA, or at least its legal therapeutic uses, had a rather short life, and in the drug was urgently added to List I substances without therapeutic use, only admissible in experiments with animals. Ironically, the debate that its being put on List I generated in the scientific community and American society, covered extensively by the media, had an important repercussion in terms of an increase in demand for the substance in the streets of the US and Europe Karch, The rave movement, the cultural manifestation most clearly linked to use of MDMA, was significantly influenced by these four worlds where the drug had previously been used: youth, yuppies, gays and the New Age movement. However, these clubs posed several problems, the most obvious being the closing time. Most of the clubs had to close at two in the morning, so the parties often moved on to other venues, such as houses or empty warehouses. Meanwhile, a negative view of these parties began to take hold in public opinion. Several events in in the United Kingdom contributed to this sinister tone becoming associated with everything related to clubs, illegal parties, electronic music and ecstasy Collin, The first deaths from ecstasy covered by the British press of the times referred to young people who had died from dehydration or hyperthermia, common effects of MDMA, more so when taken in close, crowded places, without enough to drink and without rest. As a result of these deaths, the usual advice for reducing risk was to drink plenty of water and rest to avoid the most dangerous effects of the drug. It was precisely such advice which led Leah Betts, an year-old girl who had taken two ecstasy pills the day of her birthday and was scared of the effects the substance had, to drink so much that she died of hyponatremia, a hydroelectrolite disorder defined as a concentration of sodium in blood below certain critical levels that can come from drinking too much water, among other causes Nutt, At the same time, Parliament, to integrate the new form of leisure in the mainstream culture, increased the number of licenses granted to clubs to extend their closing time and facilitated organisation of legal parties. From the beginning, MDMA was a drug that fit in well with raves. In fact, the substance facilitated both the demand for a sudden change in participant roles at these celebrations and their style while at them. It should be recalled, in this respect, that the people who participated in this type of party were usually socially integrated, and had to make a fast transformation from their usual demeanour. As one raver in Los Angeles said,. It is understandable that a chemical aid would help a person go from IT industry employee, for example, to dancing to techno music in an isolated environment, and MDMA does that, without doubt. The effects of ecstasy begin to appear rather quickly, in about half an hour after taking it. Its pharmacodynamics match the timing of raves well. If a person takes the drug on arrival, the first half hour, in which ecstasy still has no noticeable effect, would help them orient to the environment. From then on, for two or three hours, the chemistry of the substance and the party create a new context for role change. Once this change of role has taken place, people usually try to keep it up for a longer time than a single dose allows, and thus, most ravers take it again at least once more Hammersley et al. At the end of the party, their return to their usual condition is helped by conversations with friends in a more relaxed environment. And if the timing of ecstasy pharmacodynamics is well-suited to the time and space of raves, enabling smooth transitions between participant roles, their effects also go hand in hand with what people who go to the parties are expected to be like. The connection between raves and MDMA, although interwoven and closely linked, is not closed. Ecstasy is not the only drug taken at raves, nor are raves the only environment in which ecstasy is taken. And while it is true that not only ecstasy is taken at raves, it is also true that ecstasy has spread to contexts other than just raves. According to a study by Boeri et al. At least it seems that it was that way among young people from 18 to 25 years old in Atlanta, in the US. On the other hand, there is no lack of parents who have acquired the use of ecstasy from their children, although, obviously, not the electronic music, the lollypops or other paraphernalia in a simple search for a refuge from life Anonymous, This use of the drug as a place of refuge, as just mentioned, which appeared in Confessions of a middle-aged ecstasy eater Anonymous, , has also spread among the younger population, who, regardless of what their first contexts of use were, use ecstasy more and more to reduce emotional distress and stress caused by complicated situations in life, traumatic experiences, or simply to improve their mood and function better with people in their daily life Moonzwe et al. It could be said that ecstasy is rapidly spreading to cultural environments other than techno music, and becoming popular among people in the street. Lady Gaga is not left out either. One example of this is the significant expansion of the drug in Norway. In the same geographic context, MDMA users portrayed themselves as open, resourceful and sophisticated Edland-Gryt et al. Separation from normal places of normal life, rupture with daily monotony, energy, cheerfulness, friendliness, sensuality, pleasure and enjoyment, all seem to be offered by raves, with their chemical assistance, to young people around the world. At first glance, it sounds good. John, And it may have been like that in the beginning. However, we think a more profound analysis of the current reality could easily lead to the opposite conclusion. That is, understanding that raves, and the use of MDMA in other contexts, today constitutes a ritual in which certain types of young people, educated in the values of late modernity, meet with obligations imposed on them by mainstream culture, at the same time their achievement is impeded by something other than the chemistry of ecstasy. It is precisely this pressure, insensitive to real-life difficulties, that could paradoxically lead to people feeling frustrated when they are not happy, when they feel bad, or do not see the world as rosy Bruckner, ; Held, Thus, as noted by Sylvan , for many people who go to raves, this feeling of happiness is the main reason for going to them. One of the people interviewed by Sylvan , p. With all of the above, sooner or later, ecstasy also collects on its debt in the same currency, and as research shows, the most common sub-acute effect of taking the drug is feeling low and one of the most chronic effects is depression McCardle et al. If you ask young people who go to raves, you find that this type of interest is present. A South African student resident in Cape Town said,. I go to raves because it is a place where I am free to express myself without all the constraints society sets for me. I can smile at the stranger next to me and have them smile back without any strings attached to those good feelings. It is rare that in a world like ours that so many people from all walks of life can come together and experience such unity and acceptance towards each other. Fritz, , p. As we have seen, the rave world, with its unique mixture of drugs, music and dance, seduces people to the extent that it is an environment in which young people, for a time, can relate to themselves and to others in a different way, generating a different community. According to Bauman , this type of community, among which raves fit perfectly in our opinion, forms for a single purpose and tends to be transitory and volatile. Bauman, , p. This study, based on a socio-cultural drug research paradigm, intended to exemplify a different way of approaching drug use in general and ecstasy use in particular. The explanation given, relating ecstasy to raves, could have concentrated on other substances and other contexts. In these or other environments, the drugs used have favoured, promoted or reinforced each subculture in particular, facilitating entry of neophytes, strengthening group cohesion, enabling contradictions of the subculture itself to be hurdled, etc. The ideology of that subculture has in turn influenced the psychophysiological effects of taking the drug, and thereby profoundly determined what the person drugged may have experienced. This proposal of a way of constructing a radically cultural psychology of drugs is accompanied not just by a critical viewpoint e. As proposed here, these notions are the subculture, the myth and the ritual. These concepts are taken both from socio-cultural analyses applied to fields outside drug use such those of Frank and Frank or Turner , and studies on the environment of substance use Clarke et al. Nonetheless, we believe such concepts emerge from a critical and inductive analysis of the historical data on the substance described above following a grounded theory methodology. The first of these concepts was illustrated by ecstasy and raves, as the use of this drug, especially at a certain historical moment, cannot be understood without its association with the rave subculture. The drug and the subculture drive each other in parallel timing. However, as pointed out by Clarke et al. As much could be said of the sex revolution, so characteristic of the hippie counterculture of the sixties and of the use of LSD, which went on to become integrated, with more or less luck, in most of Western society. In any case, and with some nuances we may want to make, it seems that the relevance of the subculture is necessary to some kinds of drug use. Not in vain has it repeatedly been shown that the best predictor of the use of drugs among adolescents is their involvement in the drug subculture Hawdon, Another two concepts, myth and ritual, which we understand to be at the core of a socio-cultural approach to drugs, are derived from the notion of subculture. Becker says, subcultures are characterised by two interrelated elements:. Becker, , p. Both myth and ritual constitute the elements that articulate the individual with the group and promote the use of certain substances, determining, to a large extent, their effects. The different subcultures have, among their most characteristic myths, the goodness of certain substances and the harmfulness of others. On the contrary, in Spain at the end of the eighties and beginning of the nineties, cocaine was adopted by very integrated and prestigious groups who created a label for it as a clean drug linked to power Calafat et al. Each subculture also has a set of rituals that confirm or adhere to its myths. In each environment, there are different rituals. In some of these rituals, drugs appear as the core element. Apart from drugs, another basic element of the rituals of each subculture, and sometimes related to them, is the music. We tried to explain the association between ecstasy, techno music and this type of festive ceremony in raves. The major role of music also stood out in the relationship with the hippy counterculture and its ability to construct the psychedelic experience. This approach to drugs is not free of problems, and is, of course, complicated to carry out and analyse. A first problem has to do with the search for a reference or paradigmatic figures for the relationship between substances and subcultures e. These figures are never really clear, and due to the nature of the social groups themselves, a drug that characterises a group one minute, may sometime later go on to be prototypical of another. It is also true, as pointed out by Walton , p. So, it is hard to take a snapshot, and analyses always require the historical moment to be taken into consideration. But, with all of the above, this fluctuation in historical contexts and experiences forms part of the thesis argued here and would underline the pertinence of an approach such as the one offered in this study. It is also possible that certain cultural elements related to a subculture and a drug may be transferred to others. The influence of some subcultures and of some drugs on others is again part of the argument defended here. Similarly, it is always possible for there to be individuals who take a specific substance without belonging to any ideology at all, or sharing the values of the group that has brandished it as a sign of identity. So although, in this study, ecstasy is associated with the rave culture and the typically young, Confessions of a middle-aged ecstasy eater Anonymous, , relates the experiences of a man of some age who takes the drug in non-festival contexts, and builds it up in a different direction from the usual adolescent user. It is also possible that more than one drug has influenced the same cultural movement. Thus, although LSD has been pointed out as the drug best associated with the counterculture of the sixties, it is also true, as Lee and Shlain say, that marihuana exerted a fundamental role in this social movement, especially as the doorway to acid. In such cases, it seems clear that, in certain rituals, both drugs produce experiences that simultaneously confirm the myths about the subculture where they are consumed, reinforcing use by the other and vice versa. Certainly, this study has limitations and points that would require a wider discussion than given here. For example, the pressure to be happy has been emphasised Bruckner, ; Held, as a factor responsible for the expansion of ecstasy. This social pressure on being happy not only leads to more use of ecstasy in the young population, but development of a whole night-time entertainment industry pubs, bars and nightclubs and use of other drugs. Dolder et al. This would lead us to believe that this pressure to be happy could influence the use of other drugs as well, and even central nervous system depressants, such as alcohol. Similarly, we have linked MDMA use with raves. At the same time, we recognise that MDMA has been extending to other contexts beyond raves. The drug may previously have spread to those contexts, but was not detected because its use in raves was attracting so much attention at the time. We should also clarify that the discussion of the use of MDMA at raves did not necessarily have to spread to other different contexts. The use of ecstasy could respond to very different pressures than being happy or feeling connected with other people if taken at other times or in other cultural environments. It does intend to show that the expansion of a substance and the effects that it causes are strongly influenced by the socio-cultural context and that it is impossible to understand ecstasy in particular, and drugs in general, without paying attention to the cultures and subcultures where they are used. Thus, we believe that the amazing development of ecstasy as a recreational drug could hardly be explained based on purely biologicist arguments or a cognitive-behavioural paradigm. Future lines of research could concentrate, as mentioned, on the relationship of other cultural movements and certain drugs the hippies and LSD, etc. It would also be interesting to delve into the implication of music in ceremonies where drugs are consumed Rouget, Perhaps this potentiality, which is already present in music, is strengthened by taking drugs, and the two are thus basic elements of rituals for producing altered states of awareness, transitions between roles or important social changes. The ability of rituals with drugs to produce religious experiences could be studied in the same way as the relationship between raves and MDMA St. In general, it was intended to show the relevance of the cultural approach to critical study of drugs and addictions. A socio-cultural proposal for the study of drugs such as this one, with its inherent difficulties and methods, could be of benefit for an understanding of the drug use phenomenon when scientific study has become so clogged down Alexander, As a library, NLM provides access to scientific literature. Nordisk Alkohol Nark. Find articles by David F Carreno. Similar articles. Add to Collections. Create a new collection. Add to an existing collection. Choose a collection Unable to load your collection due to an error Please try again. Add Cancel.

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