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A drug gang in Mexico City is providing menus of its products and making deals via WhatsApp, in a case that shows how dealers exploit encrypted technology to reach customers while skirting authorities. The messaging service WhatsApp provides sellers with a much easier way to reach customers than would otherwise be possible through a cell phone service. About 10 drugs were listed, including cocaine of varying quality and price, ecstasy by the pill or gram , methamphetamine, and crack cocaine, among others. In the past, customers looking to buy drugs had to venture into dangerous and crime ridden neighborhoods within the city. Microtrafficking groups also sell near soccer fields, bars, clubs and tourist districts. The use of WhatsApp and other encrypted messaging services by drug gangs has taken off recently in Latin America. In Brazil , authorities busted a ring that sold synthetic drugs such as ecstasy through a group chat of some people. In Colombia , a drug trafficking network used the messaging service to reach high school and college students. And screenshots of drug menus in a WhatsApp chat were published by a twitter user in Argentina. While WhatsApp has become one of the most popular methods for drug dealers to connect with clients, Facebook and applications such as Kik, Wickr, Signal and Discord are also used. The ease of reaching and interacting customers through such applications partly explains their increasing use in drug sales. Another benefit is the end-to-end encryption offered by some of these services, providing dealers and customers a sense of security that they are not being surveilled by authorities. For example, in the United States, judges have demanded that Whatsapp install a technology that enables calls and messages to be tracked in drug investigations, Forbes reported. Governments have also examined legislation that requires the decryption of communications for police and intelligence agencies. Just last year, Australia passed a bill that forces technology firms decode messages believed to be linked to terrorism or organized crime, Bloomberg reported. In Latin America, no such workarounds exist, but authorities have found another way to take down microtrafficking groups using the messaging services: simply infiltrate the chats. Such sleuthing was responsible for the busts in both Colombia and Brazil. Communication advances have long transformed the drug trade. Whatsapp is just the latest example. Subscribe to our newsletter to receive a weekly digest of the latest organized crime news and stay up-to-date on major events, trends, and criminal dynamics from across the region. Donate today to empower research and analysis about organized crime in Latin America and the Caribbean, from the ground up. Skip to content. Stay Informed With InSight Crime Subscribe to our newsletter to receive a weekly digest of the latest organized crime news and stay up-to-date on major events, trends, and criminal dynamics from across the region.

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The state of Durango has long been a centre of Mexican heroin production and an important node in transnational drug trafficking networks. But how did a poor, underpopulated and overwhelmingly rural state become a major player in the billion-dollar US—Mexican drug trade? This article shows that in Durango, the rise of heroin production and trafficking were integral aspects of local processes of social, political and economic modernization. When US treasury agent Salvador C. The men whose poppy fields he and his men had been sent to destroy were known to be heavily armed; some of the officials supposedly supporting his mission were likely in the pay of drug traffickers; and the loyalty of his Mexican military escort was dubious. The irrigation system was fed by its own dam, an infrastructural feat far beyond anything the Mexican government had been willing or able to provide to peasant communities in this marginal corner of the country. All three of these analyses, however, barely touch on the emergence of local opium production and regional trafficking routes, instead focusing almost entirely on the mechanics of heroin smuggling and distribution operations between Durango and Chicago from the mid s. Based on research in a range of archives, 11 data taken from regional newspapers and local historical chronicles, 12 and insights gleaned from the scholarly literature both on the nexus between drugs and development in Latin America and beyond, 13 and on the regional dynamics of state formation in Mexico more specifically, 14 it outlines the social, political and economic factors — some of them common to drug-producing centres across the globe, others particular to Mexico, or even unique to Durango itself — that helped it to become a major player in the US—Mexican drug trade. The period was also marked by the increasingly brutal state repression of anyone who protested against such inequity. Durango is a largely rural state, whose main industries have traditionally included forestry, mining, large-scale cattle ranching and small-scale farming. And it has always been sparsely inhabited: even today it has the second-lowest population density in Mexico, at under fifteen people per square kilometre. Durango had been the site of various economic booms during the nineteenth century, but with the outbreak of the Revolution in , it entered a period of seemingly permanent decline. In , one such enforcer, Juan N. Requena, was sent to investigate reports of opium production in the mountains of north-western Durango. In the state of Durango, to the west of the town of Topia. Hon Berk, that he believes that the Chinese found in those places dedicate themselves to the production of opium. Judicial case files show that by the mid s, increasing numbers of individuals from Durango had also entered this side of the trade, becoming full-time traffickers based in cities on the US—Mexican border, where the number of opium-related arrests of individuals from Durango greatly increased. In addition to co-ordinating defence policy, creating new trade agreements, sharing new agricultural technology, organizing new binational transport networks and jointly eradicating an outbreak of foot-and-mouth disease in southern and central Mexico, 65 US and Mexican officials collaborated on a series of anti-drugs campaigns. Driven by the aggressive campaigning of officials like Harry J. Anslinger, the US government took an increasingly hard line on drugs in general, and opiates in particular, both domestically and internationally. By protecting, taxing and even directly investing in opium production and trafficking in this period, representatives of the Mexican state avoided conflict and gained additional power and wealth, while drug profits buoyed the local economy. This eased the further integration, both political and economic, of marginalized rural regions like north-western Durango into the modern Mexican mainstream. The very earliest Mexican opium eradication expedition — part-funded by the US Treasury Department, observed by US drugs agents, and carried out by a mixed team of Mexican sanitary officials, police officers and soldiers — took place in Sinaloa in Within a week, the expedition had uncovered the hectare poppy plantation described at the beginning of this article. Little wonder, then, that the traffickers who controlled these fields had been able to construct their two-kilometre concrete aqueduct: a true feat of engineering in such a remote and mountainous region. In the self-consciously paternalist fashion that would become typical of many Latin American traffickers, they had promised to hand the canal over to the local peasants once their five-year rents were up. The Tepehuanes case also provides clear evidence of the increasingly high-level collusion between military officers stationed in lowland Durango, and opium growers up in the mountains. A US official suggested that high-ranking military or political officials based in the state capital might have warned the gomeros before the inspector and his assistant even left Durango city. Since last year the cultivation of poppies has been spreading, protected by Aureliano de la Rocha, Chief of Judicial Police in this municipality and in that of Topia. I am writing to you directly, bypassing the state government, because Mr. However, the Mexican Secretariat of Health, regional military authorities, and the US consulate in Durango ignored these warnings when they put together a follow-up eradication expedition in However, General Estrada made no arrests, seized no opium, sent no official report to the consulate, and provided them with only three photographs of a single poppy field. Around the middle of , however, Aureliano and other high-ranking members of the de la Rocha family dramatically fell from official favour. Serrano, and a range of old-guard politicians and traffickers. Its promoters planned to connect road systems already running from the American Midwest down to Texas, and from there cross over into Mexico at Nuevo Laredo, Tamaulipas. By , more than sixty thousand kilometres of roads criss-crossed Mexico, including 21, kilometres of highway. The new roads connecting rural parts of Durango to the state capital, and thence to the USA via Chihuahua, allowed Durango-born traffickers to establish their own independent, small-scale trafficking networks, which boosted their profits by cutting out the Sinaloan traffickers who controlled traditional Pacific Coast smuggling routes. Thus in Durango, as in other marginal regions of Mexico or, for that matter, in comparable parts of Bolivia, Peru, Colombia or Afghanistan, road-building projects that formed part of wider, Cold War development programmes facilitated the expansion and increasing sophistication of illicit as well as licit activities, which became progressively more interwoven as together they helped to drive forward nationwide processes of social, political and economic modernization. The final element in the development of the drug trade in Durango into a major state industry that combined rural production with transnational trafficking, was the departure of thousands of people from rural Durango to the USA in the immediate post-war period, which led to the emergence of a tight-knit Duranguense community in Chicago in the s. The latter was a joint US—Mexican government initiative, officially launched in , that aimed to resolve US labour shortages caused by the Second World War by inviting Mexicans to the USA to work as temporary agricultural workers. When the programme was finally wrapped up in , more than 4. Environmental factors also helped to drive migration, particularly the droughts that affected much of western and northern Mexico in the mid s. These increasingly involved workers who had been unable to secure contracts as braceros, as well as women and children, who were officially excluded from the Bracero programme. Rather than mixing together as in other US cities, in Chicago the Mexican immigrants tended to settle together with others from the same state, or even municipality, with each group dominating a different Southside neighbourhood with those from Tepehuanes, for example, favouring the suburb of Aurora. The raw opium on which it ultimately depended was purchased from growers in Tamazula, Topia and Tepehuanes by arrieros connected by blood, marriage or geography to the Herrera family, who left their produce for collection in a designated spot in the mountains in what was effectively a more secretive version of traditional trade arrangements between highland peasants and lowland merchants. But you sit at the border for a couple of hours and watch. Such government—trafficker pacts were compounded by the official promotion of infrastructural development and mass migration, which provided new and more efficient ways of getting illicit commodities from Mexico to the USA. I owe further thanks to Benjamin Smith and Thomas Rath for their supremely instructive comments on various versions of this paper; and to my colleagues at the IHR Latin American History seminar, whose feedback helped me to fine-tune the revisions to this article. Finally, muchas gracias to Antonio Reyes Valdez and Bridget Zavala Moynahan for hosting me in Durango on multiple occasions, and to Alan Knight for his generous and untiring mentorship over many, many years. Pansters, Benjamin T. Smith and Peter Watt eds. Pansters and Benjamin T. Smith eds. A classic example is Alfred W. Benjamin T. Peter A. For a recent overview of this fascinating, fast-expanding, interdisciplinary field, see Jonathan Goodhand et al. Paul Gillingham and Benjamin T. For example, Howard F. Cline, Mexico: Revolution to Evolution, — Oxford, Macekura and Erez Manela eds. Rodrigo Duterte in the Philippines —22 , Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil —22 and Nayib Bukele in El Salvador to the present , all harnessed this idea to election-winning effect. Jean Meyer, La cristiada , 3 vols. Mexico, , i, William A. Carlos A. Pressure and Mexican Anti-Drugs Efforts from to Importing the War on Drugs? Mikael D. State, 27 June Ben C. Rick A. Michael K. Between and , for example, the number of Mexicans living in urban areas rose from 25 million to more than 39 million people, while the number of rural dwellers dropped from Conversion based on the fixed exchange rate of 1 US dollar to Steinberg, Joseph J. Hobbs and Kent Mathewson eds. Agrario, 28 June , citing an older report from 26 Aug. Eric C. Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University's objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide. Sign In or Create an Account. Sign in through your institution. Advanced Search. Search Menu. Article Navigation. Close mobile search navigation Article Navigation. Article Contents Abstract. I Crisis, corruption, and the origins of the drug trade in Durango, — II Government—trafficker pacts and US entanglements, — V Conclusions. Journal Article. Nathaniel Morris Nathaniel Morris. University College London. Oxford Academic. Google Scholar. Select Format Select format. Permissions Icon Permissions. Abstract The state of Durango has long been a centre of Mexican heroin production and an important node in transnational drug trafficking networks. MAP 1. Open in new tab Download slide. MAP 2. MAP 3. Agrario, 27 Oct. For commercial re-use, please contact journals. Issue Section:. Download all slides. Views 2, More metrics information. Total Views 2, Email alerts Article activity alert. Advance article alerts. New issue alert. Receive exclusive offers and updates from Oxford Academic. Citing articles via Google Scholar. Race-Making Festivities in Brandenburg-Prussia, — More from Oxford Academic. Arts and Humanities. Authoring Open access Purchasing Institutional account management Rights and permissions. Get help with access Accessibility Contact us Advertising Media enquiries.

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