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Mogadishu buying blow

Timothy Snyder: 'Americans are killing themselves with their misunderstanding of freedom'. At tribute for cyclist killed in Paris: 'What happened to Paul isn't an isolated case'. Moldova's EU vote looks too close to call, president blames 'foreign forces'. Coerced confessions and day police custody: Japan's criminal justice system struggles to change. What is Hezbollah, and why has it been in conflict with Israel for the past 40 years? COP 'The need to reform the global financial architecture has become even clearer'. Gigantic animals come to life again at the 'Giants' exhibition in Toulouse. Tom Wesselmann, the pop artist long in Warhol's shadow, enters the spotlight. Philippe Charlier, exhibition curator: 'The zombie is a very relevant figure today'. For the first time in seven years, the village has changed hands: Masjid Ali Gadud, a commune located km northeast of the Somali capital Mogadishu, is no longer under the rule of al-Shabab. The Al-Qaeda affiliated terrorist group had made it a stronghold, but on October 30, the Somali army, backed by local militias and supported by drone strikes, dislodged it from the town. According to state media, the battle has reportedly left more than members of Al-Shabab dead, with outlets circulating photos of lifeless bodies. The recapture of the village is another illustration of the growing anti-Al-Shabab campaign led by the Mogadishu government and its allies. In the span of three months, the coalition has retaken nearly 40 locations. President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, who returned to power in May after serving a first term from and , had made the war against the Islamists his main campaign promise. The administration of his predecessor, Mohamed Farmaajo, paralyzed by endless infighting within the state apparatus, had completely abandoned the fight. On August 20, the Islamist group struck a heavy blow with a bloody attack on a hotel in Mogadishu, killing 21 people and wounding Since then, his counter-offensive has taken shape in earnest. Islamist fighters are being driven out of their strongholds in the rural areas of the center and the south of the country, which they had controlled since the creation of the movement in The operation's effectiveness has surprised observers of the Somali powder keg. The government's territorial gains are attributed to the multi-faceted coalition led by Mogadishu, comprised of the Somali army, elite Turkish-trained troops, and 22, troops from the African Union Transition Mission in Somalia ATMIS , as well as numerous citizen and peasant militias, all supported by Turkish Bayraktar and US military drones. On paper, Mogadishu's strike force is far superior to the tens of thousands of Al-Shabab fighters — but the latter are determined to fight back, as shown by the double attack in Mogadishu on October 29, which left more than dead and injured. Jihadist attacks have multiplied in recent weeks, targeting the regional administration in Beledweyne, central Somalia, on October 4; a hotel in the port city of Kismayo on October 23, and a military base in Mogadishu on November 5. In order to gain ground, the anti-Al-Shabab offensive is developing several new axes. The government has succeeded in convincing local militias to join the fight against the insurgents. The so-called 'Ma'awisley' literally, the wearers of 'ma'awis,' the sarong worn by Somali farmers are using effective counter-insurgency tactics against the terrorists. They know the terrain, the positions of Al-Shabab, the minefields,' explained Mr. Marchal, according to whom their participation could be a 'turning point'. In addition, the mobilization of local chiefs — representatives of the many clans on which the political system in Somalia is based — is helping to dry up Al-Shabab's finances. Federal authorities are pushing residents to stop paying 'zakat,' the tax forcibly collected by the Islamists that allows them to conduct their military campaign. The other innovation proposed by President Sheikh Mohamud consists in shifting the war into the religious realm. He has managed to unite behind him a multitude of Salafist, Sufi and Muslim Brotherhood leaders, who have traditionally been at odds. This Afghan-trained former high-ranking member of the jihadist group had been under house arrest since Mogadishu is aiming to regain control of a religious narrative usually dominated by the insurgents. Robow said in October, during a speech after Friday prayers. His ministry has issued a decree requiring the media to portray Al-Shabab as 'khawarij' — a term that means 'renegades' in Somali. The jihadists still maintain their grip on the arid central and southern provinces, including Jubaland. Their financial resources, their ability to blend in with the population and their forced recruitment contribute to their resilience. The battle will be a long one. According to the ICG researcher, victory will depend on the government's ability to re-establish its authority, along with public services, in the reclaimed territories. But a question mark hangs over the role played by the 'Ma'awisley' and other militias. The head of one humanitarian organization, who requested anonymity, fears that these fighters will pose a new challenge in the future: the government will have to compensate them for their participation in the anti-Al-Shabab campaign, or too may well fall outside its authority. Translation of an original article published in French on lemonde. Nous vous conseillons de modifier votre mot de passe. Videos Investigations Explainers. French Delights Exhibitions Gastronomy Culture. Read more Al-Shabab seeks to 'put down roots' in Ethiopia. Read more Subscribers only Al-Shabab exacts bloody revenge in Mogadishu. Thanks to a daily lesson, an original story and a personalized correction, in 15 minutes per day. Read more Famine looms over Somalia as one child hospitalized every minute.

Kenya’s Miraa Exports to Somalia Suffer Due to High Levies

Mogadishu buying blow

With many focused on the dangerous conflict in Ethiopia , Somalia is facing a triple security crisis. Somalia should consider delaying the elections by two or three months, if it can reach consensus to do so among Somali politicians rather than force a unilateral decision by Mogadishu ; and Washington should keep U. After political deadlock during much of this year, Somalia is at the last minute organizing parliamentary elections for December and presidential ones for February Delayed by months of quarrels over process more on that in a minute , the preparations now severely lag behind. Al-Shabab and even the far-less potent and more territorially-restricted Islamic State in Somalia can disrupt the elections. As before, there are risks of vote-buying and fraud. Most dangerously, there is a high possibility of violence both during the elections and after winners are declared. For years, many foreign donors as well as many Somalis have hoped that Somalia would move toward a direct one-person, one-vote system. Such direct elections would allow more inclusive political representation and enhance accountability. Indeed, the organizational challenges of implementing any such new electoral system would be immense. So would the security obstacles, already threatening the current indirect electoral college design. Security in Somalia has been slowly but steadily deteriorating , with al-Shabab conducting attacks along major Somali roads and in major Somali cities across much of the country, including Mogadishu. These electoral colleges, set up for each lower-chamber parliamentary seat, select the parliamentary representatives; the parliamentary representatives then select the president. State assemblies select members of the upper chamber. Each step provides rife opportunities for bribery and patronage. The system reinforces clan identity , a fundamental but problematic cleavage of political and social life in Somalia. Registration lists of the selectors, like clan elders, remain deficient and contested. At first glance, there appear to be several improvements on the similar model: Each electoral college will now have members , larger than before. Altogether, there will be 27, delegates. Each federal member state now has two voting locations, instead of one. But will those changes make bribery more difficult, or merely more expensive? But only weeks before elections, many key dimensions of the process are problematic: The exact civil society role is undefined, reducing its capacity to fight corruption and promote inclusion; electoral dispute-resolution mechanisms are incomplete; and authorities and procedures between the federal electoral commission and regional electoral commissions are murky. Perhaps the greatest danger is that losers and those opposed to Mohamed, should he be reelected, will simply reject the results. That could set off complex violent conflicts benefitting al-Shabab. Prior contested elections in the South West State and in Jubaland , where Mohamed sought to install his allies, led to violence. Although it is not clear whether the policy, signaled since October and affirmed last week, has been transmitted as an order to military commanders in the field, its mere anticipation is destabilizing. The departure of U. The immediate priority for the international community is to prevent at least the violence around elections that Somali politicians can induce. The United States and partners should facilitate consensual political negotiations among Somali leaders to delay the elections somewhat — by a few weeks or a few months. Political opponents of President Mohamed may resent this proposal and oppose it at first. But such a short, mutually-agreed delay made good sense even before the announced withdrawal of U. The deterioration of security due to the withdrawal of U. Second, the international community — particularly powerful donors such as the United States, the European Union, Turkey, Ethiopia, Qatar, and the United Arab Emirates — should engage Mohamed and his rivals to persuade them to accept the election outcomes and remain peaceful as legal processes take their course. Mobilizing such international pressure will not be easy, as the rifts and rivalries among international actors in Somalia often run as hot as among Somali politicians themselves. The United Arab Emirates, for example, does not wish for Mohamed to be reelected, while Qatar supports him. So does Ethiopia, but its voice may be undermined by its handling of its own internal crisis. Beyond the elections, the international community must rethink its stabilization efforts in Somalia. If the Trump administration withdraws U. Efforts to build Somali federal and state forces need to be coupled with meaningful accountability measures, deep structural changes, and far more tough love. Some are calling for considering negotiations with al-Shabab — not rushed ones like the recent problematic U. Like in Afghanistan, where the Taliban may well return to power , negotiations would bring al-Shabab into a coalition government. And like the Taliban , al-Shabab has not severed relations with al-Qaida. Moreover, unlike the Taliban, al-Shabab continues to conduct brutal terrorist attacks outside of Somalia, too. All of these factors underscore the challenges of a potential deal with al-Shabab. In the near term, keeping U. Defense Policy. Foreign Policy. Somalia Sub-Saharan Africa. Sections Sections. Sign Up. Vanda Felbab-Brown. Related Books Militants, Criminals, and Warlords. Crisis in Ethiopia and its regional repercussions. Past Event. November 24 More On. Protecting the right to vote in a time of climate crisis. Making every vote count: Protecting election integrity. Upcoming Event. October 28 Monday, am - am EDT.

Mogadishu buying blow