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The Cult of Female Warriors and Rulers in the Scythian and Sarmatian Cultures

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By using our site, you agree to our collection of information through the use of cookies. To learn more, view our Privacy Policy. To browse Academia. The research regarding the depictions of Scythian females in the Scytho-Sarmatian and Greek art shows that there is a division between images of armed Scythian females who are represented as ordinary people and Scythian females without weapons who are represented as rulers on the throne or mythological beings with zoomorphic or vegetative limbs. The written sources and archaeological findings show that sometimes the last two functions were united, as was the case of the Massagetian queen Tomyris and burials of armed females from the Mound No. Even though Scythian women could carry weapons and participate in military actions, in Scythian art they were never depicted with weapons. Graves of Amazons are very common in the Northern Black sea region during the Scythian and Sarmatian periods. Even though the written sources also point to the presence of Amazons in Athropatene, the archaeological evidence to support these statements is very rare. The graves of female warriors were registered in the archaeological findings from Azerbaijan during the Late Bronze or Early Iron Age, in the burial mound No. The reason for the female burials to be rare in this particular geographic area may be due to insufficient studies of skeletal remains to establish the gender of the buried. As a conclusion — the archaeological sources alone are insufficient to determine social and military status of females in the Scythian and Sarmatian burials. Only a comparative research of written sources, ancient art, archaeological and anthropological remains will allow us to establish it. Nine out of twelve small stone-ground mounds were excavated. Two burial constructions are recorded: the burial construction situated on the ancient cultural level the variant I. Pottery and personal adornment objects combined with tools are the most frequently recorded objects in the explored burials. The Trinca cemetery functioned during three generations, from the mid 7th to the first quarter of 6th century BC. The comparative analysis of the implements under study with synchronous antiquities from Carpathian basin, South Carpathian Area, and North Black Sea forest-steppe land Early Scythian culture , has revealed mostly the Hallstattian type of the Trinca cemetery and ethnically mixed type of individuals buried. The discovered male burials and the warrior burial tumulus I give reasons to assume miscegenation and a quite high degree of incorporation of Scythian nomads in the local environment. A high social rank burial of a woman tumulus VI is noticeable among the local type burials represented mostly by female burials. One can assume that weapons did not represent a high social status marker in the population of Trinca and Podolo-Moldavian group 7th-6th centuries BC. Apparently, women played an important social role in the local sedentary societies, since they were responsible for wealth accumulation and inheritance. Since ancient times, women have been seen primarily as keepers of the home, but this has not prevented them from showing courage throughout history. Most often, women took part in battles when their home, territory or country was attacked. Anthropological material was obtained from the Jrapi cemetery as a result of the rescue archaeological work in northwestern Armenia Shirak Province. The female burials from the 8th to 6th century BC in the cemetery contained weapons. The anthropological study used a combination of visual inspection and radiography. The article lists the types of injuries found in the skeletal bones of the women. The consequences of the trauma suffered by the women are presented as ante-mortem and peri-mortem injuries. Their nature head injuries, arrow and weapon wounds indicate a violent event that led to serious injury or death of these women. These data provide evidence of the paramilitary nature of the local population. An attempt is made to classify, analyze, and interpret female burials with weapons in the graves of early nomads in the Southern Urals, dating to late 5th-2nd centuries BC. In the Early Iron Age, this vast region was a center of the nomadic elite. The sample includes 23 graves with 24 buried individuals at well documented cemeteries. Only individuals for whom skeletal sex indicators are available have been included. Criteria and opinions are revised. Weapons in female burials include mostly quiver sets; whereas daggers, swords, and spearheads are rare. The placement of weapons was the same as in male burials: bladed weapons were placed on the right side, with hilts directed to the right hand, whereas quivers were found mostly on the left side. The remaining funerary items were exactly like in other female burials: there were numerous ornaments, bronze mirrors, spindle whorls, and stone altars. Female burials with weapons were found in kurgans regardless of social status. Apparently, those women represented all social strata, from elite to low-ranking nomads. Nothing indicates the existence of female military units, which, however, does not imply that women took no part in armed confl icts or did not use weapons to protect themselves and their homes. Among the antiquities of the archaic period of Forest-Steppe Scythia, a group of elite burials of women, possibly endowed with priestly functions during their lifetime, stands out. Until recently, only two unrobbed burial complexes were known to contain the main burials of women of high social rank, in whose graves golden costume elements were found-primarily expressive details of headdresses. The barrows kurgans were discovered at the end of the 19th century when amateur excavations were actively carried out on the right bank of the Dnipro. As a result of research conducted by the author at the Skorobir necropolis in the area of the Bilsk fortified settlement, on the left bank of the Dnipro , two similar graves were recently discovered, which provided new material that significantly expanded the known geographical distribution of this phenomenon. The materials are closely analogous to the previously discovered elite female burials of the Middle Dnipro barrow near the village of Syniavka, barrow 35 near the village of Bobrytsa and allow us to highlight a number of stable elements of the funeral costume of noble women and the sets of objects that complemented them. In this article, we consider the social and cultural significance of female attire in elite burials and delimit the chronological framework of this previously understudied phenomenon within the first half of the 6th century BCE. The new finds offer unprecedented insight into the form and meaning of one type of female headdress which researchers have tried to reconstruct for over a century. Keywords: North Black Sea area; Forest-Steppe Scythia; right and left tributaries of the Dnipro River; Skorobir necropolis; women's elite burials; elements of funeral costume and accessories; headdress; reconstruction options; first half of the 6th century BCE. In the following the focus will be on six of these barrows placed in the western part of the Eurasian Steppe in what is today South Russia and Ukraine. The area can roughly be named the North Pontic, defined as the land between Don and the Danube south of a line from Kiev east through Kharkov to the Don bend and south to the foothills of the Caucausus figs. Their excellent state of publication allow a thorough analysis of find circumstances and internal relations. They represent af time span long enough for documenting possible time related variations. Their long research history allows us to evaluate interpretational variations within the archaeological science. The barrows occupy three different topograhical and cultural historical positions: 1. The Kelermes complex in the Kuban area at the foothills of the Caucasus 2. Certomlyk, Solokha, Ordzonikidze and Alexandropol placed in a relatively small geographical area on the Middle Dniepr. And in this very amount of finds and features lies the problem that has been the prime mover of this work, namely the tendency to interpret a few of these finds independently from their context, without taking the said context into consideration. The silk road is a grandiose conceptual idea, and the silk road has consisted of numerous civilizations with different production modes. The interactive commercial relationship between nomadic pastoralists and the agrarian society had strengthened and conjoined the Eurasian transcontinental trading networks' conceptual construction. Besides, the Scythians, the first nomadic group mentioned by the western authorship, had attracted many western scholars devoting their effort to the research of the Scythian group during the zealous time of Western-centric orientalism, and Caucasian androcentrism was still predominating the public mainstream in the western intelligentsia. The Scythian community apparatus and the idea of 'Amazon' were mainly discussed under the Orientalized imaginaries about the alienated foreign outland, the existence of 'Amazons,' and matriarchy structure. But the application of the modern anthropological approach had provided a new point of view for reexamining the gender construction in the Scythians community, which was conducted with the archaeological methodology of interpreting material remains. Aligning with the fruition of modern archaeology and the historiography of impressive value, contemporary scholars could consolidate the fragmented historical evidence into the integral parallel. This systematic approach could help us collate the social factors played in the social construction of Scythian Femininity. The unique production mode and social engagement could become a more 'scientific' criterion for approaching the females in the Scythian community, which could be interrogated from a progressive and constructionist perspective. Rome, IAI, July , 5 p. IAI Commentaries ; 24 46 , RAO ed. Journal of Renewable and Sustainable Energy, Prospettive di sociologia del diritto e della cultura. Collana Diritti, Scienze e Tecnologie, Log in with Facebook Log in with Google. Remember me on this computer. Enter the email address you signed up with and we'll email you a reset link. Need an account? Click here to sign up. Late Iron Age female warriors from Jrapi cemetery Armenia, Shirak province bioarchaeological studies. Mankind Quarterly London , Anahit Khudaverdyan. Sofia: St. Clements of Orchid Univ. Press, Sergey Yatsenko. Female Elite in Protohistoric Europe. Mainz Talk at a Meeting at Kiel Germany , organized by Dr. Several remarks on metal bracelets from child graves of the Late Scythian culture. In: B. Sadowski, M. Stasiak-Cyran, M. Profesorowi Andrzejowi Kokowskiemu w Beata Polit. Alexandru Zub A. Fialko these are rather isolated cases. Graves of women with weapons are appearing in great numbers only in nomadic societies of the early Iron Age. Graves of females containing weapons are numerous in the Northern Black sea region during this period. Along with the written sources and female graves our source for the research of this subject can be the depictions of Scythian females in the ScythoSarmatian and Greek art of the Northern Black sea region. These depictions could be divided into two groups: 1 depictions of armed females with weapons; 2 depictions of females without weapons. For this reason, the second group is of special interest to us. It should be mentioned that many of these images of women combine both anthropomorphic and zoomorphic elements. Alfred D. Vakhtina, S. Kashaev, and V. Khrshanovskii Saint-Petersburg: Izd-vo Gos. Ermitazha, , Series Historica 22, I : These elements denote that they are not the images of female warriors or ordinary Scythian women, but rather of goddesses, some of whom were considered to be queens. Analyses of images of women goddesses in Scythian art. Rudenko, Drevnejshie v mire hudozhestvennye kovry I tkani: iz oledenelyh kurganov Gornogo Altaja, \[The most ancient carpets and fabrics of the World: from the ice-covered kurgans of the Mountain Altai\] Moskva: Iskusstvo, , Fig. Boltrik and Elena E. The variety and detail of these images does not always allow us to identify the exact groups of these depictions. It is also very difficult to determine which of the three Scythian goddesses Tabiti, Api, or Argimpasa is represented in each particular case. In the literature devoted to this subject there is a sufficient number of disagreements on this matter. As stated by Svetlana S. Bessonova, Argimpasa is the most anthropomorphic of the three Scythian goddesses. She believes that the Scythians borrowed the iconography from the Middle East. These conclusions absolutely do not reflect the real situation of Scythian art for the following reasons: the Scythians could have borrowed the iconography of Argimpasa, whom Herodotus calls Aphrodite Ourania, in the Middle East; long before their campaigns to the region, they were already familiar with the concept of this goddess. And that was the exact reason they adopted the images of the Middle Eastern goddess Ishtar to the characteristics of the Scythian goddess named Argimpasa. It can be proven by the fact that the Scythians had their own name and epithet for this goddess. They did not use the Semitic form of the name Ishtar, but rather called her Argimpasa and gave her the epithet Apatourum. The cult of this goddess was widespread in the Bosporus Ukraine during the Scythian period. For example, Svetlana S. A number of written sources testify that Aphrodite Apatouros had a sanctuary, named Apaturum, in the Bosporus. Bessonova, Religioznye, Struve, Ed. Scythian art is mostly zoomorphic with some exceptions, e. But in the later periods the Scythian art of the Northern Black sea region starts to actively use anthropomorphic images. It is clear that these anthropomorphic storylines depicting gods and humans are based on the mythology of the Scythians and often literally describe the qualities specific to their gods and the areas of activity for which they are accountable. Images of the goddess Tabiti According to Mikhail I. Artamonov, on the compositions with the image of the goddess with the altar and mounted or unmounted Scythian in front of her, one should distinguish the Supreme goddess of the ScythiansTabiti. He notes that these compositions represent a scene of communion with a deity. To the right of the goddess there is a depiction of the torch, or an altar with fire in the form of a torch. This detail is remarkable, as the master tried to singularize especially this detail-the existence of huge feet, showing that the goddess symbolizes a foot, a sole, a basis, a fundament. Alexander N. Georgii A. Garkavec Almaty: Baur, , Brashinskij, and K. Gorbunova Moskva: Nauka, , Listing eight gods of the Scythians, Herodotus notes that the Scythians honour Hestia before the other gods. She was also the patroness of the beginning, uniting the world of gods, mankind and each family. The Roman analogue of Hestia is the goddess Vesta the symbols of which were a bowl and a torch. In its temple the eternal flame which was a symbol of state stability was maintained. This detail allows us to relate this goddess to the Greek Hestia and the Roman Vesta that symbolize fire. The second image which could not be identified with Argimpasa or Api is the image of the seated goddess with a mirror. This image can be seen on a ring of the Scythian king Skil. It is also found on a golden plaque from the Chertomlyk mound where the goddess seated on a throne with a mirror is represented. Mikhail I. Artamonov believes that in cases where the seated goddess of the Scythians is represented with a mirror, she is to be seen as Argimpasa, because the mirror is an attribute of Aphrodite in Greek iconography. Bessonova also identifies this image with Argimpasa. Raevskij considers that images of the seated Scythian goddess with a mirror and the young man facing her designate the Scythian Tabiti. In the background it is possible to see the altar of fire in the form of a torch. For verification Bessonova provides another image on an Italic vase; it depicts the goddess sitting with a mirror in her hand, being Herodotus, The Persian Wars, 59, Sergei A. Tokarev Moskva: Sov. The opinion of Bessonova could not be accepted due to the fact that the image of fire altar on the relief of Villa Albani tells us that this is not Aphrodite, but rather the Roman Vesta, which is an analogue of the Greek Hestia. Depictions of hares on the relief and on the vase from Italy also point to the connection of these images with the Scythian Tabiti. The connection of the image of the goddess of fire with the image of a hare remained in the ethnography of the Turkic people of Siberia who were practicing Shamanism and used to hang the skin of a hare next to the family hearth, which symbolizes the goddess of the hearth and Mother of fire. The shapes of those plaques carry a strong resemblance to the plaques with the image of the goddesses of the Scythians - Tabiti seated on a throne. It is most likely that the hare was her symbol. The above-mentioned image of the goddess on a relief from Villa Albani, with a mirror in her hand, fire in the background and a hare under the chair32 can serve as the proof that the hare could be a symbol of Vesta-Hestia-Tabiti. The depictions of Argimpasa According to Svetlana S. Bessonova the Scythian Argimpasa was depicted in the form of the Mistress of the animals, on the Mirror from the Scythian Kelermess burial mound No. On this mirror there is an image of a winged goddess holding two panthers by their legs. She is standing on two feline predators. According to some researchers this is a depiction of the Babylonian goddess, presumably Ishtar. On both of these findings we observe a goddess with Ibid. Nikolai A. On the openwork plaque this winged goddess is depicted with two deers at her sides. Her hands are raised to the sky adoration pose. In the lower part of the figure the bottoms of its long clothes diverge, forming a long robe. On each side of it two deer with antlers are depicted36 Figures The most unique depiction of the goddess, Mistress of the animals, can be observed on the golden plaque from the Scythian burial mound Kul-Oba. On the plaque we observe a goddess with the body and head of a human. Instead of legs she has limbs in the form of leonine griffins and serpents. In the upper part of her body can be observed a wing like outgrowth ending with the heads of horned griffins. This ritual is well known from the literature on shamanism. For example, during the initiation ceremonies of the Yakut shamans, the spirits behead the candidate and then put his head on its side, so he can observe his own dismemberment. In Scythian art the depictions of a serpent limbed goddess are very common. Svetlana S. Bessonova divides them into two types: zoomorphic and vegetative limbs. She concludes, reaches to the conclusion, that on the serpent limbed depictions of this particular art we observe a unification of the scheme woman, World Tree and Mistress of the animals. This is a golden plaque depicting a winged goddess. In general, the iconography of all of these images the winged goddess, the serpent and griffin limbed goddess, the goddess with severed head in her hand demonstrates stylistic and compositional identity. All of the arguments brought here allow us to state that these are the depictions of the Scythian goddess Argimpasa. Scythian women-warriors were depicted only in Greek art. In Scythian art we found solely the images of female goddesses, one of which - Tabiti, Scythians considered to be their queen. She is often depicted as a hare. The other goddess, Argimpasa, was apparently depicted as a griffin or often with animals. At the same time, the results of archaeological studies indicate that the warrior Amazons existed in Scythian society. Taking into account all previously listed considerations one can conclude that although females possessing weapons existed in Scythian society, they did not play a very powerful role in it and therefore were not depicted on the samples of the Scythian art found in their aristocratic burials. On the other hand, the image of the woman ruler was respected enough and was associated with the image of the Supreme goddess, who was usually represented without weapons. It becomes obvious that there was a division between the various categories of women in Scythian society, such as: 1 warriors with weaponry; 2 the rulers; 3 the third category was simply ordinary Scythian women. Consequently, a new question arises, whether women who belonged to the category of the rulers truly did not possess any weapons. To provide the answer to this question the Scythian burials of armed females girls in the burial mound No. This particular burial mound was part of the 16 tumuli group. Fialko notes that the mound was erected as part of the generally accepted canons of Scythian funerary rites. Beneath the mound there was a religious installation and four burials Figure 5. After analyzing the architectural peculiarities of the burial mound, the burial location, as well as the accompanying equipment found in the mound, Fialko concluded that grave No. She notes that graves No. In particular, necklaces and hand bracelets that were made of glass beads. Along with these items, weaponry was also found in those burials. In the burial site No. In burial site No. These two graves contained the burial of armed females. Burial site No. The primary interest of our research is burial No. It is located almost in the centre of the mound. Interment took place in a catacomb of alcove type. As Fialko had noted, the burial contained the remains of a teenage girl. The skeleton was found in an extended supine position with its head oriented to the west. In the western part of the burial, a leather armour with an iron scales like coating was discovered. The suit of armour, also included a helmet. In this burial site one may observe such distinctive characteristics as the combination of some female and military items of inventory. Herodotus clarifies the function of the stone tile and the grinder. He writes that Scythian women rubbed pieces of cypress, cedar and incense on the stone and added to this substance water, and then they rubbed this mass into the body, so that the body would get a pleasant smell. The next day they washed the substance away, then the body becomes pure and glistening. Other items of inventory from this burial are previously found only in the elite burials of the Scythians. Similar golden plaques with profile image of a hare come from the royal tombs of the Scythians, such as Chertomlyk, Oguz, Bashmachka, Shulgovka, Kul-Oba, No. However, on them the hare is depicted with two front paws. The fact that the plaque with the image of a hare comes from the royal burials is not surprising, because, as was established above, the hare symbolized the Scythian goddess sitting on a throne, Tabiti whom the Scythian king Idanthyrs called the queen of the Scythians. As for the plaques with the image of human face and a body contour resembling an animal, most likely they personify Argimpasa whom, as it was shown above, the Scythians portrayed with zoomorphic limbs, often in the form of serpents and leonine griffins. Thus, in the burial mound No. Based on this data we can conclude that in this burial could have been buried a female with a status of a ruler, similar to the status of a legendary Massagetian warrior queen Tomyris mentioned by Herodotus. Based on the above listed examples, we can conclude that the rulers of the warlike Amazons were not only under the auspices of the god of war Ares, but also of the goddess Tabiti. Amazons in the history and archaeology of Azerbaijan In the archaeology of Azerbaijan in the I millennium BC female burials with weapons are very rare. These examples include the burial mounds No. In the burial mound No. The mound was a soil embankment with a mixture of stone. The preserved height is 0. The mound is surrounded by a cromlech of round shape 6. There were two skeletons found - of an adult and a child. Pamjati V. Guljaev Moskva, , ; Juri V. XIV, Ed. Petr P. Tolochko Zaporozhie, , She was put on the right side. The second skeleton belonged to a child, who was put on the left side. Based on the contours of the 20 beads, Ibrahimli assumes that the deceased had a pointed cap on her head. The mound No. Beneath the mound a single burial in a stone box was found. The individual buried in this context had a diadem on the head. Two obsidian arrowheads were found in the embankment, along with clasps, earrings, beads and bracelets of different kinds. The skeleton was not fully preserved and the sex of the deceased female was determined only based on the findings typical for the female burials. According to Bahlul Ibrahimli both mounds No. But even in those cases when the sex of the buried was identified, we encountered several problems regarding interpretation. For example, in the case of the earth pit burials of Mingachevir, with extended supine skeletons and inventory items of Scythian typological features, Rabiyat M. Kasimova made a special study of the skulls from these burials. In many cases, the gender of the buried was identified, but unfortunately the author of the study did not provide additional information on the accompanying inventory items. Aslanov, Rahim M. Vaidov, and Gavriil I. Ione divide these burials into male and female ones. No, Baku, : As for female burials, the inventory that come from them predominantly consist of jewelry items. In particular: earrings-pendants of triangular form granules, bracelets with zoomorphic heads, different beads, rings, circlets, bronze mirrors with zoomorphic handles. This is the only fully published earth pit grave with the items of Scythian type from the Mingachevir burial ground. The grave goods consists of a bronze bracelet with zoomorphic endings and gold triangular earrings made in a granulated technique, ceramics, bronze bells and rings, stone and paste beads, a bronze ring, gold forehead adornment made of a thin chain with hollow beads and suspended plaques. From this example one can observe that Mingachevir graves with the items of the Scythian type typical for female burials do not contain weapons. Most of the burials of Mingachevir with the items of the Scythian type are single. In the unpublished report of Tamara I. Golubkina there is a description of an earth pit double burial. Golubkina writes that based on the appearance of the skeletons they presumably belong to a man and a woman. The male individual had an iron socketed spear next to him and iron dagger in his hand, and the female individual had bronze bracelets and rings on her hands and fingers. She also possessed bronze triangular earrings and beads made of jasper. Anja Hellmuth Kramberger points that the double graves containing both weapons and jewelry should not always be interpreted as a double burial of men and women. In some cases, they can be the burials of armed women, as in the Gardashkhan. Aslanov et al. Without the results of this study any statements on the possibility of the existence of warrior Amazon graves in Mingachevir can be viewed only as speculation. Taking into account all the above mentioned, nowadays, our main source for the study of women warriors in Azerbaijan may be ancient Greek written sources such as Strabo and Arrian. Conclusion Finally, it should again be noted that the most important issue of the archaeological excavation of burials of the Amazons is the study of bone material to determine the gender of the buried. As for the status of female warriors among the Scythians and Sarmatians, as it was demonstrated above, along with ordinary women in these societies there were also: women warriors and women rulers. Very often the last two functions were united as in the case of the Massagetian queen Tomyris and a burial of a girl from the burial mound near the village of Zelenoe in Kherson in the Northern Black sea region. Rudolf Habelt, , SOAL B. Classical white marble vases in Greek ritual and funerary contexts: ostentation, devotion, or expression of gender? Simona Perna. Revisiting Gos. Experimental Archaeology. Izumi Shimada. Lo spazio urbano nelle cerimonie reali sotto Carlo di Borbone Domenico Cecere. Recycling of a defective metal insulator semiconductor solar cell by hot phosphoric acid mohamed Fathi. Beirut modernism: theoretical framework and case study Maroun Kassab. Scythian History Scythian and other Eurasian Noma History and civilisation of the Cimmerians, Herodotus, Scythians

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