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And we are complicit in this violence and mayhem. W hat happened in Ecuador a few weeks ago, when the country descended into gang violence and TV journalists were seen by millions cowering in front of people pointing high-powered weapons at their heads, was described in many ways. It had never happened in this form, on this scale, anywhere else. It was not comparable to the uprisings that came before. The only goals of the drug-trafficking cartels are to force political and economic power to negotiate, to obtain impunity, to have room for manoeuvre to defend their own affairs and, ultimately, to remind politicians of any orientation that their legitimation is possible only by consent of the cartels. There were at least 75 deaths , but it was a momentary insurgency of the ghettoes ruled by Dudus. All of these incidents have one element in common: when governments disadvantage the interests of criminal groups or favour the extradition of bosses, the cartels intervene with the same methods that they would use if they were facing criminal rivals — as equals. The drug coup has one strategy — to generate chaos, violence, fear and terror — and the approach is simple: shoot anyone, litter the streets with bombs, make the prisons riot, make ordinary life impossible. There is no military direction, the tools are basic. Every trafficker can draw inspiration from what they see other members doing on social networks; it is therefore impossible to break the chain of command. Fito escaped from prison in Guayaquil but no one noticed until 7 January, just before he was due to be transferred to a high-security prison. When the Ecuadorian president, Daniel Noboa, learned of the escape, he declared a state of emergency for 60 days. That decision led to the insurrection. It is easy to understand why: a state of emergency means a halt to the activities of the cartel, with millions of dollars lost every day, and this may well have prompted someone to betray Fito — by killing him or handing him over to the police — to be able to resume business. These are the rules of mafia capitalism: loyalty only to the power that allows you to do business. Fito would have ordered the insurrection to save himself. They hoped to find a new hub for the shipment of coca to North America, and especially to Europe and Asia, but there was another reason. A large proportion of the coca departed from Venezuela, a failed state with a criminal cartel completely allied to the military, the Cartel de los Soles Cartel of the Suns , which through managing the transportation of coca drives up the price. To end that control, from the Sinaloa cartel started talking with a small criminal group in Ecuador: Los Choneros. That first conversation involved 10 people. Los Choneros fulfilled that task, so Sinaloa gave it an additional duty: to refine the coca that passes from Colombia to Ecuador. Then the big task: after storage and refining came shipment, as Los Choneros managed to gain control of the ports. Two incidents in recent years tell us much about the centrality of Ecuador in the drug trade: a shipment seized in heading for Georgia , and another shipment seized in May by authorities in Armenia. Ecuadorian or Mexican drug trafficking has started to fill eastern Europe with coca, capitalising on the scarcity of port controls after Covid and the conflict between Russia and Ukraine. So how did the government of Ecuador react to the drug coup? Exactly as the cartel expected: with an escalation of violence. But this will not resolve things: Los Choneros has priced in the carnage in its ranks, but it knows that the government will have to negotiate sooner or later. The violence is ingrained. In August, Fernando Villavicencio, the most significant rival of the current president, was killed , with the Ecuadorian cartels thought to be responsible. Of these, Villavicencio is interesting because he wanted to strengthen relations with Britain. More than 18 tonnes of cocaine were seized in England and Wales in the year ending March , much of which — according to the National Crime Agency — was handled by the Albanian cartels who source their supplies in Ecuador. In fact, the base of one of the most organised groups of the Albanian mafia, Kompania Bello , was moved to Ecuador. An exodus of drug traffickers from every part of the world to the coast of Ecuador is due to the increase in cocaine production. This figure has not stopped growing. Ecuador seized world headlines on the day the TV studios were invaded but the world has moved on — not least because in the comfort of Europe, we have afforded ourselves the luxury of ignoring these killings, and even more so to the growing demand for cocaine coming from every corner of the world. That demand comes from our place of comfort. We have been unable, perhaps unwilling, to truly analyse what is occurring. As a result, we have allowed the criminal cartels to eat western democracies from the inside. What is happening in Ecuador is a story that concerns everyone, because drug use is not an exception now but the norm. Last year, an international study found that British people have become the second-biggest cocaine users in the world. And it is not just a moral issue, because drug trafficking and mafias mean doped markets, businesses with unfair competition, corruption and manipulation of public consensus, and, ultimately, the destruction of democratic rules of government. The absence of serious reflection on drug addiction and consumption, of meaningful discussion on drug legalisation, leads exactly to what is happening in Mexico and Ecuador. Pay attention to the violent scenes on the streets of Ecuador and you will understand what mafias are capable of. We have two paths ahead of us: we either deal seriously with drug trafficking, or drug trafficking will continue, by military means, to occupy democracy — or what remains of it. Do you have an opinion on the issues raised in this article? If you would like to submit a response of up to words by email to be considered for publication in our letters section, please click here. Plainclothes police arrest suspects in Guayaquil, Ecuador, amid surging gang violence in the South American country. This article is more than 8 months old. Roberto Saviano. View image in fullscreen. Read more. Reuse this content. Most viewed.
Cocaine seizures around the Galápagos have picked up in recent months. But it's no longer only gasoline and drugs being smuggled through the.
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Little attention is paid to Ecuador. The murder rate is low, and there are no drug cartels like those that have dominated the criminal landscape in Mexico and Colombia. This is how the international drug trade likes it. Low key, low profile. Behind this trade is a complex and fluid underworld of specialist groups and sub-contractors coordinated by the brokers of powerful transnational drug trafficking organizations, and protected by corruption networks that penetrate deep into the state. Around the same time, a military assault and mass aerial spraying of coca crops in Colombia was pushing both the guerrillas of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia — FARC and coca cultivation towards the Ecuador border. The FARC established control over cocaine production in the region, and began supplying traffickers from the Norte del Valle Cartel , who opened up routes into and out of Ecuador. He oversaw a dramatic fall in violence and record drug seizures while bringing in an era of unprecedented political stability. But his government was plagued by drug trafficking scandals, and his strongman style weakened the capacity of the Ecuadorean state and civil society to resist drug trafficking. The closure of Manta was just the start of an antagonistic foreign policy approach that saw his government fall out with both Colombia and the United States. As a result, anti-narcotics cooperation with both the supply and demand countries Ecuador is caught between was pared back to a bare minimum. He politicized the judiciary , using it as a tool to take down opponents. He also directed the security forces and intelligence units away from combating organized crime, and instead turning them on his political adversaries, according to police and intelligence sources, and cowed the press and non-governmental watchdogs with his fiery rhetoric and legal action. Over a decade on from his election, and Ecuador is now an organized crime haven and arguably the main dispatch point for Colombian cocaine outside of Colombia itself. There are two pathways cocaine takes through Ecuador — the Pacific route and the Amazon route. Shipments are collected at stash points near the border. Some loads are then moved by boats that hug the coastline and hide in craggy inlets. Most of the drugs, however, are moved by road, stashed in commercial trucks, private vehicles and even public transport. The main border crossings are the San Miguel and Putumayo rivers, where small boats deposit loads at stash points in lawless underworld outposts, such as Puerto Nuevo, Puerto Mestanza, and Tarapoa. However, drugs also move directly across the San Miguel international bridge after being loaded into vehicles in Colombia. Figures obtained from anti-narcotics sources, show that in , 44 percent of drug seizures were destined for the United States, 22 percent for Europe, 4 percent for Central America, and one percent for each Asia and for Oceania, while 28 percent was unknown. The US market is mainly supplied by boats launched from the coast, and light aircraft, while cocaine is sent to Europe on contaminated cargo shipping. The trafficking often begins with a hijacking. Pirate crews lurk off the coast, preying on fishermen to steal their boats and outboard motors at the point of a gun. Traffickers then have a choice of three routes. From Esmeraldas they can make a direct run to Central America, but this brings them perilously close to US and Colombian patrols. Instead, most prefer to loop around either north or south of the Galapagos Islands. The most recent US National Drug Threat Assessment estimated that in , 17 percent of all US-bound cocaine first passed around the Galapagos islands, up from just 4 percent in , and 1 percent in The boats traffickers use for the Pacific runs are not equipped for long-distance high seas travel and must refuel as many as six times along the way. The fuel is provided by fishing vessels, which leave the city of Manta laden with gasoline and a satellite phone and wait at pre-arranged locations. The fishing boats carry five tanks at a time, allowing them to refuel several boats. Here they may be met by boats to hand over loads, but fear of being violently double-crossed has fueled the use of GPS-enabled radio or satellite buoys. This allows them to drop their shipments overboard before passing the coordinates to the pickup crews, which find them by following the signals emitted by the buoys. While coastal dispatches remain the main method for trafficking US-bound cocaine, the use of Ecuador as an air bridge is on the rise, a result, authorities believe, of increased pressure on maritime routes. Traffickers mostly use Cessna aircraft that are stripped out and modified so they can carry more drugs and fuel, and are even capable of refueling themselves mid-air. These aircraft can carry between and kilos, and take around six hours to reach Costa Rica or Guatemala, where they either unload or refuel and continue to Mexico. Planes take off using a variety of clandestine or improvised airstrips. Traffickers construct airstrips by leveling off land in isolated areas, use existing strips on private or commercial properties such as strips used for crop dusting planes on fruit plantations, or they use abandoned airports or even roads closed for construction. Control of the ports is low, while corruption is high, and traffickers have an array of options for hijacking the freight that moves through them. These shell companies are set up in the names of frontmen, commonly people with few economic resources and no criminal background. In other cases they buy existing companies with long histories of clean exports to reduce the risk of them receiving anything but the most cursory inspection. Ostensibly legal export shipments are then arranged, and the cocaine is concealed within the products. However, a more common technique is to contaminate legal shipments, hiding drugs in containers either before they enter the port, in the port or after the ships leave the docks. To get their drugs into shipments before entering the port, traffickers target not the goods but the containers themselves. They pack drugs into compartments in the floor, ceiling or walls of empty containers in storage yards then use contacts in shipping companies to ensure their container is sent to a company planning an export to their target destination. The containers may also be contaminated after entering the port district. Freight trucks with drugs hidden in secret compartments enter the district and move to known blind spots in security camera coverage to unload. Dock workers then break open containers and load the drugs among the legal produce. A cloned or fake custom seal is then put in place to mask the tampering. Containers and even the ships themselves may also be contaminated after they have set sail. The actors that run these drug routes are a combination of Ecuadorean, Colombian, Mexican and European criminal networks. For Mexican cartels in particular, the handover can be around the Colombian border. However, the Colombian traffickers can also arrange delivery to dispatch points in Ecuador or to handover points in Europe or off the coasts of Mexico and Central America. These cocaine brokers sub-contract the work of sourcing and transporting cocaine to the criminal service providers that operate at each link in the chain. In the frontier region, the key players are the networks left behind from the demobilization of the FARC, which are active on both sides of the border. Rearmed and criminalized guerrilla cells take charge of compiling loads in Colombia and ensure their safe transport into Ecuador. Trafficking is coordinated using the logistics and transport specialists and networks of corrupt officials that used to work trafficking FARC produced cocaine. The transport networks handover to specialist Ecuadorean dispatch networks. These sophisticated, low-profile organizations are led by individual traffickers, many of whom live disguised among regional social, economic and political elites. These traffickers organize the logistics of a shipment: coordinating corruption networks, recruiting smugglers, securing fuel, equipment and any other supplies needed. They also hire armed actors to provide security, collect debts and carry out assassinations. The different trafficking methods all demand different logistical capacities and contacts, and although some traffickers have been known to work with different methods, most are specialized. Coastal shipments are organized by crime clans, many of which are concentrated in the city of Manta. These networks recruit fishermen from coastal communities to man their boats, organize refueling stops, and equip the boats with communications equipment and supplies. In addition to securing access to airstrips, networks sending shipments by small aircraft provide fuel through corrupt private sector or state contacts, communications equipment that allows them to coordinate with the incoming pilots, and cloned license plates of planes with permission to fly in the area where they will be landing. For port dispatches, the key is corrupt contacts. To contaminate containers before loading, they need contacts in the shipping companies, above all with the container dispatchers that control which containers get sent to which companies, and in the storage yards so they can work to load up the drugs. If they contaminate containers within the port district, they need truck drivers, stevedores, security guards and the winch operators that have access to information on the movements and locations of containers. These traffickers and the routes they control are protected by corruption networks of astonishing reach. Police and military not only wave drug shipments through their controls, they have even provided security for drug shipments and their traffickers, transported cocaine in their official vehicles and are even believed to have carried out assassinations, according to intelligence sources. If traffickers are caught, then most are able to buy their way out of trouble. Sources describe how they pay off prosecutors and judges to sabotage investigations and to obtain favorable rulings. Traffickers are also able to call upon politicians on their payroll, who pull the necessary stings to put an end to their problems. Although such corruption has been present in Ecuador as long as drug trafficking, official and expert sources all concur that under Rafael Correa it reached epidemic proportions, taking root in all branches of the state. The election of President Lenin Moreno promised a new approach. Moreno reached out to the international partners estranged by Correa. Moreno also oversaw the arrest of senior political figures on corruption charges, and promised to investigate the ties between Rafael Correa and underworld groups, although Correa supporters and other critics denounce this as a political purge masquerading as an anti-corruption drive. However, when a wave of public protests snowballed into violent riots in October , the political terrain again shifted. Moreno blamed Correa loyalists and groups with links to organized crime and drug trafficking for hijacking what had begun as an indigenous protest against fuel subsidies. While those claims remain unverified, one thing is clear: the polarization and political crisis the protests unleashed now threaten to swallow his administration, pushing drug trafficking off the agenda and back to where it thrives — in the shadows. Top Image: Cocaine hidden in banana cargo at the Guayaquil port. Photo courtesy of anti-narcotics unit. Subscribe to our newsletter to receive a weekly digest of the latest organized crime news and stay up-to-date on major events, trends, and criminal dynamics from across the region. Donate today to empower research and analysis about organized crime in Latin America and the Caribbean, from the ground up. Skip to content. Drug Trafficking Routes There are two pathways cocaine takes through Ecuador — the Pacific route and the Amazon route. Stay Informed With InSight Crime Subscribe to our newsletter to receive a weekly digest of the latest organized crime news and stay up-to-date on major events, trends, and criminal dynamics from across the region.
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