Makassar buying Heroin

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Makassar buying Heroin

Two South Sulawesi police officials held over drug offense. Yudi Frianto, told journalists here. The drug case against the two cops, who were stationed at the Makassar Seaport Police Precinct, is being handled by the South Sulawesi police investigators, he informed. As per local media reports, the two suspects have been identified as SD, a 2nd sub-inspector, and IFF, a chief brigadier. The suspects were arrested on Veteran Utara street on July 31, , with a sachet containing a narcotic substance that they had allegedly received from a drug dealer on the run. South Sulawesi Police spokesperson Senior Commissioner Komang Suartana told local journalists that the two cops have been placed under police custody. If they are found guilty by internal affairs investigators, they will get serious sanctions for breaching the criminal law as well as the code of ethics and conduct, he said. To avoid serious sanctions, the South Sulawesi police chief has repeatedly warned all cops in the province to not get involved in drug-related offenses, he added. The culprits involved in criminal networks vary in socioeconomic and professional backgrounds, with the results of police and BNN investigations revealing that drug offenders can be from any background. Indonesia has repeatedly uncovered the involvement of police personnel in drug trafficking activities. In fact, over the past few years, several police officers have been found guilty of trafficking drugs. In April , for instance, the Mataram District Court in West Nusa Tenggara province sentenced a police officer to 10 years in jail and slapped a fine of Rp1 billion, or another 3 months in jail, after he was found to have participated in a major drug trafficking operation in Mataram city. The police officer, a chief brigadier, who was identified by his initials as KB, was found guilty of violating Article , Paragraph 2 of Narcotics Law No. KB's role in the drug case came to light after he was found in possession of 7. In October , the arrest of former West Sumatra police chief, Inspector General Teddy Minahasa, over his alleged involvement in a drug trafficking case had shocked the public. On May 9, , a panel of West Jakarta District Court judges sentenced Minahasa to life in prison for trafficking 5 kg of crystal methamphetamine that was originally seized as physical evidence of a drug crime. Related News. BPOM to expedite radiopharma drug certification to improve cancer care 15th October Beware of foreign job offers involving people in drug syndicate: BNN 4th October Navy thwarts drug drop in maritime waters 19th September International drug racket busted, 6 arrested in East Aceh 17th September N Sumatra police nab drug offenders in August-September crackdown 17th September Police destroy 51kg drugs seized from international cartel 4th September Baznas, BNN to use alms funds to fight drug abuse 27th August Ensuring drug, vaccine availability to mitigate mpox spread: govt 27th August Sidoarjo Police seize pickup truck, 30kg meth in drug bust 16th August Indonesia's battle against the new narcotics smuggling scheme 8th August

Two South Sulawesi police officials held over drug offense

Makassar buying Heroin

Official websites use. Share sensitive information only on official, secure websites. This is an Open Access article. Non-commercial re-use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly attributed, cited, and is not altered, transformed, or built upon in any way, is permitted. The moral rights of the named author s have been asserted. The everyday lives of contemporary youths are awash with drugs to boost pleasure, moods, sexual performance, vitality, appearance and health. The research for this paper was conducted among male, female and transgender male to female, so-called waria sex workers in Makassar, Indonesia. The paper outlines how these experimental practices differ from those that have become the gold standard in biomedicine. The everyday lives of contemporary youths are awash with drugs to boost pleasure, moods, sexual performance, vitality, appearance and health Hardon, Idrus, and Hymans Hurwitz ; McCabe et al. Many of these studies have focused on the abuse of prescription drugs — painkillers, cognitive enhancement drugs and other substances with psycho-active properties — which circulate freely through youth networks alongside illegal drugs such as amphetamines and cocaine. It is noteworthy that prescription drugs are often seen by youths and adults to be safer and less addictive than illegal narcotics. Cognitive enhancement drugs such as Ritalin are widely used by college students to stay awake and to aid concentration and memory McCabe, Teter, and Boyd ; DeSantis, Webb, and Noar , high school girls are turning to antidepressants to provide energy and relief Knudsen, Hansen, and Eskildsen , and the imperative to socialize is fuelling the use of analgesics meant to treat headaches Hansen, Hansen, and Holstein At first glance, all this seems to confirm the state of modernity described by Nicholas Rose: one in which we no longer see biology as destiny, but seek to endlessly modulate, adjust, and enhance our neurochemical and somatic selves Rose and Novas ; Rose Scholars have traced this medicalization of everyday life to three broad developments: 1 governments, confronted with burgeoning expenditures for healthcare, are encouraging citizens to take responsibility for their own long-term health; 2 biomedicine produces novel understandings of health, which provide new opportunities for intervention; and 3 pharmaceutical firms use new and disconcerting health facts to promote disease awareness and consumption of their blockbuster drugs Medawar and Hardon ; Rose and Novas ; Rose ; Dumit Whereas medicine previously focused on treating pathology, we have come to see ourselves as inherently ill and in need of constant treatment Nichter and Vuckovic But something different seems to be going on with youth, who are inclined to ignore government health messages and are rarely concerned with their longevity or possible future ill-health. Franke, Lieb, and Hildt , for example, show that students do not differentiate between taking drugs such as Ritalin and drinking coffee. And as McKinney and Greenfield have argued, too much emphasis on governmentality and biopower ignores the symbolic and social dimensions of drug use among youths, where we see a pervasive trend towards the experimental use of prescription drugs for purposes other than what they were originally intended for. In a very different context, how young people appropriate pharmaceuticals for their own aims can be seen in how transgender youths use hormones to transform their bodies to align with their desired gender identities Kulick ; Sanabria , Sanabria has shown how Brazilian travestis use informally obtained oral contraceptive pills, hormone replacement therapies, and hormonal contraceptive injections as part of their projects of bodily transformation. Both groups use pharmaceuticals for effects that are not biomedically sanctioned. How does their collective experimentation construct knowledge on pharmaceutical efficacy? How do they develop their own modes of administration? How does information on drugs and practices circulate? We suggest that it is useful to examine how youth craft and assess drug effects in relation to their situated needs and desires, and how their experimental practices differ from those that have become the gold standard in biomedicine. Makassar, the provincial capital and largest city in South Sulawesi population 1. As youths migrate to such urban centres, they encounter consumer products and messages from around the world Nilan and Feixa ; Hansen Youth in Makassar have limited internet access; smart phones are generally too expensive for them while internet access remains slow and cumbersome. The most important health resources for Makassar's youth are thus the omnipresent street corner apotek pharmacies , which sell a broad range of ostensibly prescription drugs without prescriptions, and information that circulates via word of mouth within youth networks. Poverty is the most significant factor influencing entry into the sex trade in contemporary Indonesia Hull, Jones, and Sulistyaningsih ; Ford and Lyons Indonesian social and moral codes require that children, particularly female children, financially support their families Ford and Lyons ; earnings from sex work allow women and men from poor backgrounds to fulfil their social obligation of supporting their parents, siblings, or children until they are themselves married. The informants were all aged between 18 and Most had finished high school. The research in Makassar was part of the larger ChemicalYouth project, which examines the pervasive use of chemicals by youths in France, the Netherlands, the Philippines and Indonesia. The fieldwork in Makassar was conducted in two phases. The findings of this initial grand tour have been published elsewhere Hardon, Idrus, and Hymans In these interviews youths were asked which chemicals they applied to their hair, eyes, face, lips, teeth, and so on, over their entire bodies, ending with their toenails. In individual and group interviews, more general themes were also pursued such as their future aspirations. The interviews took place in cafes, bars, and other places where youths regularly met, depending on where they felt most comfortable talking about their use of chemicals. Sex workers, however, were not the only ones who admitted to the off-label use of Somadril. Students, waiters, waitresses and shop attendants reported taking Somadril to help them socialize and to increase their libido. But as it made them feel dizzy and drunk, a condition hardly conducive for them to study or work, they took only one or two and at most three pills a day. The intravenous drug users who were interviewed made frequent mention of Somadril, but for them it was a second-choice drug; they preferred Calmlet a drug containing the tranquilizer alprazolam and Suboxone containing the heroin-replacement drug buprenorphine. And while the transgendered informants also often mentioned Somadril, they were clearly much more interested in hormones to transform their physical bodies. The second phase of the project involved focused ethnographies of chemical practices that emerged as central in the everyday lives of specific subgroups of youth, including the use of Somadril by sex workers and the use of contraceptive hormones by transgender youths. The focused ethnographies involved participant observation in the sites where the interlocutors work and socialize, focus group discussions, and feedback and validation sessions. The informants work freelance and live in a nocturnal peer group that shares everything, helping each other gain customers and sharing in the proceeds. If one has a customer, they use the proceeds to buy Somadril for all. It is recommended in the Indonesian Informasi Specialite Obat ISO Indonesia pharmaceutical compendium for lower back pain, muscle spasms, tension headache, painful menstruation, and other ailments such as chronic arthritis. The active component of Somadril sold under the Soma brand in the USA is carisoprodol, which entered the global market as a muscle relaxant more than 50 years ago. Developed by Wallace Laboratories, Soma was thought to have superior muscle relaxing properties and less potential for abuse than Milltown containing meprobamate , the drug it replaced Berger et al. The s and s witnessed growing concern over the abuse of Soma in the USA, with clinical researchers reporting withdrawal symptoms such as insomnia, vomiting, tremors, muscle twitching, anxiety and hallucinations among patients who ceased taking it SAMHSA ; DEA This eventually led to carisoprodol being listed as a Class IV drug i. In Europe, evidence on the abuse potential of carisoprodol has led to its withdrawal from the market EMEA They repeatedly stated that it made them feel pede confident , enak delicious, a term used for food but also for sex and senang happy. The informants at Losari Beach used different techniques to enhance the effects of Somadril. Some chewed the pills; others took them with Sprite a soft drink commonly used as a solvent for drugs in Indonesia. Some mixed Somadril with whisky or vodka. Reflecting underlying hot-cold notions of chemical efficacy, the informants told the authors they buy pedas hot food, which makes them sweat and which enhances the high. They also wore warm jackets and avoided cold drinks and the wind, which they said weakened Somadril's effects. In discussions, the informants routinely pointed to differences in how their peers used the drug and the effects they experienced. These recalls revealed that their consumption of Somadril often far exceeded the recommended maximum dosage of four pills mg of carisoprodol per day ISO Indonesia It was noticed that men who took higher dosages of Somadril reported more side-effects and more often nausea and vomiting than women, who more often complained about feeling dizzy. All but one of the informants reported suffering on days when they did not take Somadril. But both Dextro and LL are not very strong, according to the informants. Over time, the authors came to realize that the lion's share of the informants' income was going to support their Somadril habit. The authors wondered whether the drug facilitated the work of their informants, or whether they were now working to buy Somadril. For most of them, it seemed more important than food; indeed many of them admitted to being addicted. Bodily presentation thus appears more important than sexual acts in asserting femininity Boellstorff Lacking access to sex reversal surgery — for those who may have wanted it — they resorted to the off-label use of contraceptive hormones both pills and injections , the most important chemicals in their daily lives. Dress, voice and how they walk are significant aspects of their desired femininity, as is having well-formed breasts. To attain this latter goal, the informants used high dosages of hormonal contraceptive pills and injections. They proudly showed the authors their breasts, squeezing them and asking the authors to do so too to show that they contain batu hard tissue. Hard tissue in the breasts, they explained, is a prerequisite for breasts to grow and an assurance that if the dosage of hormones is lowered, the breasts will not disappear. But hard tissue alone is not enough. The hormones also need to form a dasar base for the breasts to make sure that they will grow in the right place. To grow breasts in the right place with hard tissue inside, the waria informants in their self-treatment experimented with hormonal combinations that are cocok compatible with their individual bodies. All the respondents had long stories to tell about how they tried different brands of contraceptive pills and injections to see if they were cocok for them. Twenty-two-year-old Mince described how she switched from Andalan pills to Cyclofem injections and then to Marvelon pills. Andalan made her feel dizzy, sick and lazy. She gained weight and therefore felt less attractive as a sex worker. She switched to the contraceptive injection Cyclofem, taking one shot in each arm every week, which worked very well. Her breasts were beautiful; she had thinner muscles and a sexy behind. Having formed her breasts, she switched back to contraceptive pills, this time Marvelon, which she says causes muscular pain. But the pains are tolerable, she says, because they do not interfere with her appearance. This combination had been advised to one of them by a private doctor in Surabaya, Indonesia's second largest city. All three were very pleased with the results. They stressed that the place of the injections was very important. If you did not inject in the upper arms, you would not get a dasar in the right place. A fourth informant, whose mother had warned her of the dangers, had stopped taking hormones altogether. A fifth informant, who runs her own beauty salon, recommended going to Surabaya for silicone injections. She had done so two years ago when she was sick and tired of the side-effects of hormones. She proudly showed the authors her remarkably well-formed breasts. Waria not only take hormones to fulfil their gender-bending desires; they also want to transform their bodies to increase their earning capacity. The informants often referred to the sexual desires of their customers when discussing the effects and side-effects of their drug use. For example, they experimented with different hormone dosages to maintain their capacity to penetrate their clients. While they share their experiential knowledge on the effects of various self-treatments, they do not pool their resources to sustain their chemical use. When asked about the longer-term effects of their practices and their future aspirations, many admitted they were worried. One informant, who had recently shifted to injections, told about a friend who had died because her body could not absorb the heavy dose of contraceptive pills. Another stressed that the hormones can cause breast cancer; a third said she had heard pills can affect your heart. Although the informant with silicone breasts was not worried about any longer-term effects, others refrained from using silicone as they had heard it can spread in the body causing damage. How will they bury us? Outreach workers had warned them about the risks of contracting HIV, providing them with condoms and advising them to get tested at the local community health centre. Their use of condoms, however, remained haphazard. Many clients want sex without condoms, while the informants, high on Somadril, often forget to use them. These fieldwork vignettes reveal the creativity of young male, female and transgender sex workers in trying out — referred to as coba — adjusting dosages and mixing substances to achieve their desired bodily and mental states. The sex workers at Losari Beach ingest high doses of Somadril to become confident and happy, mixing it with drinks, pills and hot food to enhance their combined effects. The leading concern of the transgender waria is to grow breasts — both to fulfil their gender-bending desires and to attract male customers. They first try to generate hard tissue and create a base for their breasts with relatively high levels of injectable hormones, after which they switch to maintenance therapy with lower dosages of pills. The waria informants suffered a range of side-effects from taking high dosages of hormones. But each time they lowered the dosage, their breasts shrank again. The sex workers at Losari Beach suffered headaches and pains when they could not afford Somadril in large quantities. As both groups earn their livings by providing sexual services, side-effects that interfere with their capacity to earn are avoided. For the sex workers at Losari Beach, this means that they avoid other psycho-active drugs that blur their vision or make them lose control. They tolerate the sickness that comes with taking too much Somadril because they value the confidence and sexual pleasure that the drug provides. The waria seek to avoid side-effects that make them less attractive to their male customers, such as pimples and gaining too much weight, while tolerating others such as nausea that do not affect their capacity to earn a living. They do so, she argues, because something potent resides in the drug, something that makes them not want to think about harm. The authors indeed found their interlocutors to be well aware of the side effects of drugs. The informants sought to optimize their good effects and minimize their bad ones by experimenting with different dosages, with different forms of administration injecting or swallowing, with or without food and with different drug combinations. The relational notion of cocok — compatibility — was a term that came up time and time again when youths described their experiences with drugs. If side-effects occurred, the substance and its form of administration were said to be not cocok. Both in individual interviews and informal group discussions, the informants generally talked about the effects of drugs and their practices of self-medication with enthusiasm. But over time, the authors came to hear more about their concerns. They talked of friends who had died due to overdoses and reflected on their own lives. None expected to live long. This was part and parcel of the economic reality of their lives: the feeling that they were trapped, that they needed to use drugs to earn a living, was pervasive. How did the sex workers at Losari Beach — who do not have access to the internet where information on the off-label use of Somadril circulates — find out that this unadvertised drug for muscle pain makes them happy and confident? How did the waria learn that they first need to form hard tissue with injectable hormones before they can lower the dosage and take pills as maintenance therapy? In the focus group discussions where the authors asked about the lived effects of drugs, youths invariably referred to the experiences of their peers — a veritable storehouse of experiential knowledge. Indeed, youths primarily learned about the beneficial effects of drugs through word of mouth dari mulut ke mulut. This informal circulation of knowledge reflects the off-label use of these substances. While the drugs are not illegal, the interlocutors were well aware that they officially need prescriptions to obtain them. They were reluctant to give the authors information on the sources of drugs, and the authors did not push them to do so. But as their trust was won over time, many informants mentioned friends who work as pharmacists and pharmacy clerks as their sources. All knew about the several apotek that seem to specialize in selling psycho-active prescription drugs over the counter, apparently without repercussions. Although the sex workers at Losari Beach do not fall within this group, they learn about the latest trends in mood-modification from their more experienced boy friends. The private doctor in Surabaya, referred to above, prescribed the now-popular cocktail of two shots of Cyclofem weekly and two pills of Marvelon daily. The cocktail's beneficial effects, as observed by one of the informants, led others to try out the same regime, and with excellent results. Waria do not need prescriptions to obtain contraceptives. They simply ask for them at the pharmacy and seek a friend who can inject the drugs. What role did pharmacists play in the off-label use of pharmaceuticals by the interlocutors? The reality in Makassar is that most pharmacies are run by assistants, who simply sell the drugs. They do not see it as their role to educate customers. Somadril, for which there is a high demand in the evening and at night, has become a street drug. The informants have the telephone numbers of dealers who they can call when in need of the product. They explained that some of the street vendors sell counterfeit Somadril. The interlocutors check for authenticity of the product by bending the aluminium foil of the strip. If it is stiff, the strip of pills is probably fake. These observations show that knowledge on the use of drugs and the drugs themselves travels across the boundaries of formal and informal sectors in unexpected ways cf. Lovell ; Sanabria and Benguigui ; Wentzell Doctors sell prescriptions for the off-label use of drugs; midwives give advice to transgender persons on how to use contraceptives to grow breasts. Whereas doctors and regulators in Europe and the US are well aware of the serious adverse effects of Somadril, this knowledge has apparently not reached the pharmacy assistants who sell Somadril in Makassar. And while the contraceptive pills used by the waria interlocutors were accompanied by package inserts, these were seen to be directed at women. Instead, the informants learnt about the harmful effects of specific drugs through experimentation — that is, by experiencing for themselves and by exchanging notes with peers about what drugs do in and to their bodies. This method, while effective in revealing the immediate and common adverse effects of drugs, leaves much to be desired — most obviously concerning the longer-term effects of addictive substances. Such experimentation is not unique to the sex workers at Losari Beach and the waria at Karebosi. The ethnographic fieldwork in Makassar revealed similar patterns of experimentation among other groups of youths. Construction workers mixed energy drinks and potency products; hard-core drug users injected a veritable cocktail into their veins in search of new highs. Students were also found to use Somadril in all kinds of different mixtures, but only on weekends and mainly to enhance sexual pleasure Hardon, Idrus, and Hymans How does the accumulation of knowledge by youth through trial and error differ from knowledge production in biomedicine? There are five main differences: first, biomedical experiments have pre-defined endpoints. The group receiving the inert substance is called the control group Goldstein The endpoints are specific to their everyday needs and desires. The waria informants want to feminize their bodies; freelance sex workers need to be confident to approach clients. The youth-led experiments differ from biomedical research in how they apprehend a drug's adverse effects. Biomedical researchers a priori define adverse effects and then measure them in trials. Safety and efficacy data are submitted to regulatory agencies, which then weigh the drug's benefits and risks for market approval. It is well known in pharmacology that unexpected side-effects can occur once the drug is used in routine medical practice. In contrast, youths in this study appeared unconcerned about side-effects before trying a drug for the first time. They simply tried it and observed what happens. A fourth difference between how youth experiment with drugs and biomedical research pertains to how drugs are administered. Drugs in laboratory experiments are tested in isolation, in fixed dosages to allow for the standardized measurement of effects. Finally, in the biomedical measurement of drug effects, efficacy is situated in the drug's active pharmaceutical content — if substance A is proven to be effective in population B, it is assumed to work identically in population C as well. In assessing the positive and negative effects of substances in their bodies, youths in this study time and again made use of the relational notion of cocok. A comparable personification of efficacy can be seen in the biomedical discipline of pharmaco-genomics, which shows how drug effects vary depending on individual genetic makeup. Such knowledge, however, still has no place in standard clinical experiments on new drugs which are generally funded by pharmaceutical companies; too much diversity would limit the market for specific drugs. This comparison of how youths in this study and biomedicine generate knowledge suggests that youth — in Makassar, and most likely in many other places — do not subject themselves to biomedical understandings of their bodies, as has been suggested by influential scholars such as Rose and Dumit They develop their own understandings of drug efficacy through practice — by trying out drugs, mixing them with food and drinks, and experimenting with dosage and administration — using the knowledge gained from these experiments in their quest to achieve their desired bodily and mental states. This ethnographic study has shown how pharmaceutical practices emerge out of and fuel social life. Experiential knowledge is generated through joint experimentation, by sharing knowledge and pooling resources to buy drugs. In this collective process, youths seek what works best for their individual bodies and minds — they try out and mix products until they have achieved their cocok. The authors thank the interlocutors for the stories they shared. The authors hope that the interlocutors feel they also gained from the dialogues. The authors are indebted to Takeo David Hymans for his rigorous editing and his refusal to accept vague concepts. Ethics approval was received from the ethics committee of the University of Amsterdam Faculty for Social and Behavioural Studies. To ensure anonymity all identifying information names, birthdates, etc. Fieldwork conducted in the summer of in Makassar was funded by the University of Amsterdam. More detailed ethnographic accounts of Somadril use by sex workers Hardon and Ihsan n. The analysis here shows that youths creatively appropriate medicines in their quest for better lives. As a library, NLM provides access to scientific literature. Anthropol Med. Find articles by Anita Hardon. Find articles by Nurul Ilmi Idrus. Email: a. Similar articles. Add to Collections. Create a new collection. Add to an existing collection. 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Makassar buying Heroin