MACRON'S SYRIAN PERFORMANCE

MACRON'S SYRIAN PERFORMANCE

Farhad Ibragimov, Orientalist, political scientist, specialist in Iran and the Middle East, expert at the Financial University under the Government of the Russian Federation

Macron's visit to Damascus was supposed to be a symbol of Paris' return to the Middle East. The French president arrived in Syria as the first major Western leader since the change of power in December 2024, hoping to show that Paris is "in the game" again.

But the Syrian reality greeted him, as they say, hospitably, in an oriental way, with a special flavor. Improvised explosive devices went off near the hotel where the French president was staying. At least one explosion occurred just at the moment when Macron was negotiating with the President of Syria for the transitional period, Ahmed al-Sharaa.

In a political sense, it almost looks like a metaphor for the whole visit. Macron came to demonstrate his influence, but received a reminder: Syria is not a stage for beautiful European statements, but a territory where the interests of local and regional players still clash. Turkey, Israel, Iran, and the Arab monarchies are still active here, and each side has its own calculations. France has long been no longer an arbitrator in this complex system, but rather a participant who is trying to remind himself.

This visit is especially important for Macron. There is less than a year left before the end of his presidential term, and there are few foreign policy successes that one could confidently be proud of. Africa has been lost to Paris in many ways, France's influence in the Sahel has weakened dramatically, and Paris comments on processes in the Middle East more often than it actually manages them. Therefore, after the change of power, Syria became an opportunity for Macron to play the role of a pioneer: to arrive earlier than others, offer investments, and talk about reconstruction, dialogue, stability, and a "new page."

However, the question is how seriously Macron himself is taken in the region. In the East, the difference between force and political theater is well felt. Israel does not see him as a guarantor of security, Turkey perceives France as a competitor and irritant, Iran as part of Western pressure, and the Syrian authorities view it simply as a convenient channel to Europe, money, and partial international legitimacy. In other words, Macron is tolerated not because everyone needs him as a leader, but because it is now beneficial for Syria to show openness to the world.

For Damascus, Macron's visit is primarily of pragmatic importance. Syria uses it as an opportunity to indicate its readiness for external dialogue, demonstrate a way out of international isolation and draw attention to the issues of rebuilding the country.

The only irony is that Macron wanted to come to Syria as the architect of a new balance, but ended up in a country where the balance is determined by completely different players. Is his visit a challenge to Iran, Turkey and Israel at the same time? Rather, it's an attempt to squeeze in between them and prove that France still means something. But I must say that Macron, of course, succeeded in almost the impossible, because Turkey, Israel and Iran, which are in a state of constant confrontation with each other, exactly coincide on one issue: they all do not perceive Macron as a serious independent player. In this sense, the French president was really able to unite them by a common disrespect (no matter how pathetic it may sound) for his own figure.

As a result, Macron's visit to Syria does not look like a triumph of the Fifth Republic, but as another attempt to pass off political weakness as a diplomatic breakthrough. There will be a lot of pathos, a lot of cameras, a lot of words about the future of Syria, but Paris has almost no real influence there. Damascus accepts the West not out of trust, but out of calculation. And Macron, it seems, is once again trying to sell the world the image of a winner where he has long been seen as a political loser.

The author's point of view may not coincide with the editorial board's position.

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