Little Teen Of Japan

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The production, sale, distribution, and commercialization of child pornography in Japan is illegal under the Act on Punishment of Activities Relating to Child Prostitution and Child Pornography, and the Protection of Children (1999),[1] and is punishable by a maximum penalty of five years in prison and/or a fine of ¥5,000,000.[2] Simple possession of child pornography was made illegal by an amendment to the act in 2014.[1] Virtual child pornography, which depicts wholly-fictional characters, is legal to produce and possess.
Manga artists and anime directors have argued that it is dangerous to try to define child pornography when it comes to artwork, drawings, and animation when regarding hentai due to it being highly ambiguous, and have cited freedom of expression to prevent it from being abused. For example, they argued that even in the anime and manga series Doraemon, the scene of the schoolgirl Shizuka Minamoto taking a bath might be mis-construed as "child pornography".[3] Arts depicting underage characters (lolicon and shotacon) and photography of underage models (junior idol) remain controversial in Japan.[4][5]
The Act on Punishment of Activities Relating to Child Prostitution and Child Pornography, and the Protection of Children came into effect on May 26, 1999. Under Article 7, it outlawed the production, transport, import and export of child pornography, as well as possession of child pornography for the aforementioned purposes.[1]
Previously, obscenity was regulated by the 1907 Penal Code of Japan. Article 175 of the code has been applied to underage obscenity, notably in a 1993 case where a burusera shop owner was arrested on suspicion of possession for sale of obscene media, after he had invited a high school student to appear in a pornographic video.[6]
The penalty for possession with any intent of commercialization, sales, or distribution is a maximum imprisonment with labor for three years or a fine of three million yen (approximately $30,000). Production or distribution of child pornography is punishable by imprisonment with labor for up to five years and a fine of up to five million yen (approximately $50,000). Article 34 of the Child Welfare Act, applicable since 1947, states that "No person shall commit an act listed in any of the following items:" with line six specifying "Cause a child to commit an obscene act".[7]
However, there were no laws addressing the simple possession of any kind of pornography in general (which included child pornography, with no intent to sale or distribute). On 4 June 2014, a bill was approved to be passed to ban the possession, closing this loophole in the nation's child pornography prohibition law, although it did not apply to hentai in anime and manga in order to prevent abuse of the law.[8][3][9] The bill passed on 18 June.[10]
In June 2008, a bill proposing a ban on child pornography possession was submitted to the House of Representatives of Japan, where it was brought before the Diet in September, but failed to pass.[11] The Liberal Democratic Party and the New Komeito Party proposed to outlaw any possession of child pornography, but was countered by the Democratic Party of Japan with a different proposal.[12][13] The House of Representatives dissolved on July 21, 2009, and both proposals to revise the law were withdrawn. During the general election of the House of Representatives in August 2009, open letters written by politicians to a civilian organization showed that the politicians were divided on the matter.[14]
In 2008, the Japanese branch of UNICEF called on the government to outlaw simple possession of child pornography, as well as manga and anime pornography depicting minors. It also called for tighter restrictions of Junior idol media under existing laws.[15] The United States ambassador to Japan has stated that Japan's lack of laws restricting possession of child pornography has impeded international investigations into child pornography.[11]
On August 25, 2011, the Liberal Democratic Party submitted a petition requesting stricter laws on child pornography, which included child pornography in anime.[16][17] In late June 2013, the Liberal Democratic Party moved forward with their proposal. A decision has not yet been reached.[18]
A 2007 public opinion poll taken by the Japanese government showed that 86.5% of respondents believed that child pornography regulations should be applied to anime and manga, while 90.9% endorsed regulations of "harmful materials" on the Internet.[19]
While not considered explicitly pornographic, media portraying young idols is a large industry in Japan. Photobooks and videos of underage models in scant, tight fitting and revealing clothing are often taken to be provocative and pornographic in nature. The industry remains lucrative, with The Japan Times reporting an estimated 3 million idol photobooks sold between 2006 and 2007.[19] However, child modeling in Japan is not seen in the same light as in the West, as many models are eventually offered acting, singing, or promotional careers.
Studios producing junior idol media are not exempt from current laws. After 2007, staff and heads of various video production firms were arrested on allegations that their productions overstepped legal boundaries.[20][21]
Main articles: Lolicon and Shotacon
In Japan, lolicon is an attraction to visually underage girls by men or women of any age. It can also involve attraction to older characters with youthful neotenic features that make them appear to be younger than they really are. Lolicon is a hentai subgenre in dojinshi, manga, anime, and video games in which childlike characters are usually depicted in an ero kawaii (erotic cute) manner, which can range from explicitly pornographic to mildly suggestive, romantic, or entirely non-sexual.[22] The young boys equivalent is called shotacon. Outside Japan, lolicon only refers to the hentai subgenre, usually involving simulated pornography.
Figures regarding the prevalence of lolicon and shotacon are hard to come by, but it is estimated that 30-40% of manga contain sexual references involving underage characters.[19] The age of consent is 13 under Japanese national law, but is generally higher under prefectural laws.[23] No regulations are in place to control images portraying sexual content of hentai in manga or anime.[24]
Supporters of regulating simulated pornography claim to advocate human rights and children's rights such as the Convention on the Rights of the Child. Opponents such as the Japan Federation of Bar Associations (ja:日本弁護士連合会) also claim to advocate for the rights of children, pointing out the decreasing numbers in sexually motivated crimes are due to simulated materials providing an outlet to those who would otherwise seek material depicting actual children.[25]
The constitutionality of proposed laws have been discussed, since Article 21 of the Constitution of Japan guarantees freedom of speech, press and all other forms of expression. The definitions of obscenity, specifically written in law as "arouses or stimulates the viewer's sexual desire", have been argued as ambiguous.[26][27]
Content is available under CC BY-SA 3.0 unless otherwise noted.

Commentary / Japan
Why are Japanese teens so glum?
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Young people in Japan have the lowest mental well-being of 20 major countries, according to a study by the Varkey Foundation. | GETTY IMAGES
LONDON – Japanese teens are lagging behind many other countries in well-being and happiness. That is one of the conclusions of a new report on educational well-being recently published by the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development — with the key finding that out of 35 OECD countries, only South Korean and Turkish teens rated their life satisfaction lower than Japanese young people.
Japanese teens were also above average on overall anxiety indicators and well below average for motivation to succeed in school. This finding, part of a survey of 540,000 15-year-olds in 72 countries, indicates a worrying pattern throughout the world: Advanced economies have lower levels of well-being than might be expected from their material prosperity and freedoms — particularly among young people.
The OECD’s report is just the latest in an emerging literature of global youth studies on this issue. Last year, the Varkey Foundation published the “Generation Z: Global Citizenship Survey” about the attitudes of young people aged 15 to 21 in 20 major countries.
Although the report found that young people globally had a largely internationalist and liberal outlook, it also showed that young people in Japan had the lowest mental well-being of all countries surveyed — particularly worrying given that the figures for 2014 gave suicide as the leading cause of death among Japan’s 10- to 19-year-olds.
Japanese young people were also found to have the lowest level of net happiness of all 20 countries polled, and more Japanese young people said they were unhappy (17 percent) than any other country apart from South Korea (also at 17 percent).
On any interpretation, these findings give cause for concern — prompting the urgent question of how the well-being of Japanese teens can be improved. It emerges that the picture is complex and the answers not obvious.
First, the findings of the OECD report show that the level of educational achievement, the amount of time children spend studying and the frequency of testing are all independent of well-being. In other words, none of these factors in themselves contribute to low well-being among children. Instead, the report suggests that it is the context in which education is facilitated and supported that is important.
One key finding is that students whose parents reported spending time talking to their child daily or eating a main meal with their child at the table were between 22 percent and 39 percent more likely to report high levels of life satisfaction. Victimization of bullying is also less frequently reported by students who said that they receive parental support when facing difficulties at school. In addition, students in schools with above-average levels of well-being reported much more support given by teachers than those in schools with below-average well-being.
Clearly, support in facing the challenging environment of school plays a significant role in well-being. But there are good reasons to think that additional factors are in play, and the Generation Z report throws light on the context of these OECD findings.
The report measured youth satisfaction on a wide range of metrics, including happiness with life, mental well-being and emotional well-being, and unexpectedly found that young people in four countries — China, India, Nigeria and Indonesia — placed consistently at or near the top of the satisfaction scale for all three areas.
Why? Three main factors were discovered. First, China, Indonesia and India also had the strongest family relationships — which raises the possibility that overall well-being may be a function of a child’s general relationship with family, rather than simply as it relates to school support.
Second, of all countries surveyed, only China, Indonesia, India and Nigeria thought overall that the world was not becoming a worse place. Related to this, it was also clear that the top countries for well-being tended to be emerging economies. It may be that perceived opportunities for expansion has a positive impact on well-being. Meanwhile, in advanced economies like Japan’s, there may be a dimly discernible sense that the economy has “peaked” and that there is little room to advance.
Closely connected clues to the reason for Japan’s low mental well-being are found in some of the other Japanese youth responses. Japanese teens reported that “working hard/helping myself get on in life” was their most important value — and more chose this than in any other country except South Korea (also low in the well-being stakes).
Japanese teens were also the least likely of all 20 countries to think that making a contribution to wider society was important. It is easy to see how these beliefs, in combination with a lack of opportunity, could produce a pessimistic state about one’s chances of leading a successful or meaningful life.
While we can do little as individuals to affect the state of the economy, it is possible to consider how our family relationships, the demands of our culture and education system, and our opportunities for rest, impact our well-being. Happiness may not be reducible to a list of prescriptive conditions, but there is considerable room for evidence-based policy to guide Japanese institutions in promoting well-being as much as possible, and seeking to cushion the impact of areas that remain outside their influence.
Vikas Pota is chief executive of the Varkey Foundation.
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