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Activities by an organized crime group involving the illegal entry, transit or residence of migrants for a financial or material benefit. The illicit trade and possession of species covered by CITES convention, and other species protected under national law. The poaching, illicit trade in and possession of species covered by CITES and other species protected by national law. Includes IUU fishing. The illicit extraction, smuggling, mingling, bunkering or mining of natural resources and the illicit trade of such commodities. The production, distribution and sale of heroin. Consumption of the drug is considered in determining the reach of the criminal market. The production, distribution and sale of cocaine and its derivatives. Consumption is considered in determining the reach of the market. The illicit cultivation, distribution and sale of cannabis oil, resin, herb or leaves. Consumption is used to determine the market's reach. The production, distribution and sale of synthetic drugs. Clearly defined organized crime groups that usually have a known name, defined leadership, territorial control and identifiable membership. Loose networks of criminal associates engaging in criminal activities who fail to meet the defining characteristics of mafia-style groups. Includes foreign nationals and diaspora groups. The State's role in responding to organized crime and its effectiveness. The degree to which states have put oversight mechanisms in place to ensure against state collusion in illicit activities. A country's supranational structures and processes of interaction, policy making and concrete implementation to respond to organized crime. The degree to which states are able to control their physical and cyber territory and infrastructure against organized criminal activities. Assistance provided to victims of various forms of organized crime, including initiatives such as witness protection programs. Refers to the existence of strategies, measures, resource allocation, programmes and processes that are aimed to inhibit organized crime. While it appears that a human trafficking market exists within Liechtenstein, the market is small and not consolidated. There is some evidence of local demand within sectors such as nightlife outlets, but it is primarily a transnational crime carried out by foreign actors and is a minimal problem within the country. However, the COVID pandemic may increase the number of people vulnerable to modern slavery and human trafficking. Due to an effective state strategy against trafficking and smuggling, there is no evidence to suggest a market for human smuggling in Liechtenstein. Its size and location are a natural barrier to criminal activity and migration predominantly occurs through legal channels. There is no evidence of an active arms trafficking market in Liechtenstein, and the country has regulations to control the import, export and transit of arms. There is no evidence of an established illicit flora market in Liechtenstein, and few cases have been reported. But these have been minimal and carried out by individuals rather than criminal organizations. As Liechtenstein has very few natural resources, non-renewable resource crime is not an issue in the country. Cannabis is the most consumed drug in Liechtenstein and its popularity is highest among youths and students, with its overall use and availability being higher than the EU average. Most cannabis convictions are for personal consumption, with only a cases relating to trafficking. Online purchases are becoming the most common way to purchase the drug and the market is being fuelled by domestic demand. While there is no well-established marked for cocaine, it is growing, and the price of a gram has dropped by two thirds over the past two years. Local demand for cocaine is rising, especially among the youth and foreign students, and online purchases are becoming more commonplace. There is no well-established criminal market for heroin in Liechtenstein. It is not commonly consumed locally nor traded internationally. The market for synthetic drugs is not well-established and their use is not widespread, while the perceived availability of these drugs is similar to European averages. Violence levels have reached a record low in recent years, and there is no evidence of mafia-style groups or criminal networks operating in Liechtenstein. Likewise, there is no evidence to suggest state-embedded actors facilitate or engage in crime. The democratic process is free from any external and criminal influence. Insofar as organized criminal actors exist in the microstate, they are usual foreign criminal actors. The capital, Vaduz, where the finance and banking system is concentrated, may be vulnerable to money laundering driven by foreign criminal actors. Although organized crime is not a significant issue in Liechtenstein, the government has taken a strong stand against it, given that its geographic location in the heart of Europe and its reputation as a tax haven, could make it attractive to foreign criminal actors. Most illicit activity is international, rather than domestic, and requires intensive and effective international law enforcement cooperation. In this regard, the government has signed a cooperation agreement with Europol. Liechtenstein is largely free of corruption at all levels of the state and economy. The government publishes budgets, procurement contracts and other relevant information. Despite this, however, the country's legal framework for providing access to information has been assessed as being extremely poor. Through its membership of various Anti-Money Laundering, Combating the Financing of Terrorism and anti-corruption groups, Liechtenstein holds itself accountable and ensures compliance with international regulatory frameworks. The country has many preventative and educational measures to combat corruption, which appear to be effective, and it has made large strides in improving transparency and banking reform. Liechtenstein actively participates in international cooperation efforts with the UN and Europol against organized crime and is committed to furthering international justice and law. It is involved in intelligence sharing treaties and extradition agreements and participates internationally in efforts to prevent crime. The country not only has laws in place to prosecute organized crime but also to prevent membership of criminal networks. Legislation to combat organized crime has an appropriate focus on money-laundering, given that it is a country that attracts legal and illegal business from all over the world. It has only one prison, which is well equipped and meets international standards. However, due to the lack of capacity, individuals with sentences of more than two years carry out their terms in Austrian prisons. Despite its potentially strategic position in Europe for criminal networks, Liechtenstein has robust territorial integrity. The strong cooperation in border control it has with Austria and Switzerland make its borders resilient. However, as part of the Schengen area, cross-border illicit activity is more difficult to detect due to the extent of movement across its borders. Law enforcement agencies actively cooperate with international intelligence-sharing mechanisms. As Liechtenstein is a leading offshore tax haven and traditionally has tight bank secrecy laws, money laundering is a major concern for the government, which has made efforts to increase banking transparency. The country has a special analytics unit to detect money laundering, in addition to its participation in European anti-money laundering measures. The close relationships between these authorities mean effective management of the problems, although financial secrecy does have an impact on the exchange of information. Liechtenstein faced international pressure to improve its banking transparency in the past and has since enacted anti-money laundering measures focused on banks, investment firms and businesses such as casinos and insurance companies. It has also signed tax information exchange agreements with countries such as the US. Alongside its low tax rates, Liechtenstein is an easy place to establish new businesses and its economy attracts a lot of business and investment. The business environment offers opportunities for legitimate businesses to expand as economic regulations are not restrictive. The government has a balancing act in lightening the settlement process for financial services while also intensifying the state's security controls. The government of Liechtenstein has legislation and training mechanisms in place to provide effective treatment to victims of all types of crime, with a particular emphasis on sex-related crimes. The country has created a public-private sector initiative — the Financial Sector Commission on Modern Slavery and Human Trafficking - as it believes the financial sector can help to end these practices by excluding the proceeds of trafficking from the financial system. The Criminal Procedural Code enshrines victim and witness protection, and the government is very engaged in programmes to support drug users. Liechtenstein believes strongly in prevention and has many strategies in place to this end, including early education campaigns and drug-use prevention programmes. Furthermore, any private person can report corruption directly to the Anti-Corruption Police Unit via a dedicated hotline. All of these measures have been evaluated as being effective. In the media environment, free speech is protected and there is no evidence of attacks on journalists by the state or criminal groups. However, the two main media groups are owned by the two leading political parties and the only TV and radio channels are state-owned. The criminal markets score is represented by the pyramid base size and the criminal actors score is represented by the pyramid height, on a scale ranging from 1 to The resilience score is represented by the panel height, which can be identified by the side of the panel. A series of 13 discussion papers, one for each illicit market considered during the development of the Index. We're constantly working to improve the Index. By participating in this survey, you will be providing us with insights and suggestions that will help us make the Index an even better resource. This report was funded in part by a grant from the United States Department of State. The opinions, findings and conclusions stated herein are those of the Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime and do not necessarily reflect those of the United States Department of State. Capital Vaduz. Income group High income. Population 38, Geography type Landlocked. Criminal markets 2. An assessment of the value, prevalence and non-monetary impacts of a specific crime type. Human trafficking 2. Human smuggling 1. Arms trafficking 2. Flora crimes 1. Fauna crimes 1. Non-renewable resource crimes 1. Heroin trade 2. Cocaine trade 2. Cannabis trade 3. Synthetic drug trade 2. Criminal actors 1. An assessment of the impact and influence of a specific criminal actor type on society. Mafia-style groups 1. Criminal networks 1. State-embedded actors 1. Foreign actors 3. Political leadership and governance 9. Government transparency and accountability 8. International cooperation 7. National policies and laws 9. A state's legal action and structures put in place to respond to organized crime. Judicial system and detention 9. Law enforcement 8. Territorial integrity 9. Anti-money laundering 5. Economic regulatory capacity 8. Victim and witness support 9. Prevention 9. Non-state actors 8. Analysis Download full profile english. People While it appears that a human trafficking market exists within Liechtenstein, the market is small and not consolidated. Trade There is no evidence of an active arms trafficking market in Liechtenstein, and the country has regulations to control the import, export and transit of arms. Environment There is no evidence of an established illicit flora market in Liechtenstein, and few cases have been reported. Drugs Cannabis is the most consumed drug in Liechtenstein and its popularity is highest among youths and students, with its overall use and availability being higher than the EU average. Criminal Actors Violence levels have reached a record low in recent years, and there is no evidence of mafia-style groups or criminal networks operating in Liechtenstein. Leadership and governance Although organized crime is not a significant issue in Liechtenstein, the government has taken a strong stand against it, given that its geographic location in the heart of Europe and its reputation as a tax haven, could make it attractive to foreign criminal actors. Economic and financial environment As Liechtenstein is a leading offshore tax haven and traditionally has tight bank secrecy laws, money laundering is a major concern for the government, which has made efforts to increase banking transparency. Civil society and social protection The government of Liechtenstein has legislation and training mechanisms in place to provide effective treatment to victims of all types of crime, with a particular emphasis on sex-related crimes. Read the analysis Listen the podcasts View all events. Next Skip. How to measure organized crime? Read more on globalinitiative. Give us feedback We're constantly working to improve the Index.

Illicit drug use

Liechtenstein buy Heroin

Countries in Western Europe were among the first to adopt harm reduction services. This long tradition puts harm reduction in a favourable position, both in terms of policy inclusion and funding, compared to other regions around the globe. Core harm reduction services, including needle and syringe programmes NSP and opioid agonist therapy OAT , are available in most Western European countries. In Western Europe, one of the most prevalent barriers to accessing harm reduction services in general, is uneven distribution of services within countries. People who use drugs living in rural areas are particularly underserved in many countries across the region. Unfortunately, there were no changes in this regard since our report. The number of countries in Western Europe in which NSPs operate remains unchanged since the Global State of Harm Reduction , with services available in 20 countries: all countries in the region except Turkey and no data on Andorra, Liechtenstein, Monaco, and San Marino. However, COVIDrelated disruptions in harm reduction services had adverse effects on the health of people who use drugs. Pandemic-related restrictions reduced outreach activities and low threshold harm reduction service capacities in general, leading to reduced HIV and hepatitis C testing availability in the region. Though COVID still affects harm reduction services, in , some cities Copenhagen, London, Paris, and Rome reported that daily practices of harm reduction services were no longer affected by the pandemic and, overall, there were fewer reductions in service provision after For example, the expansion of peer-to-peer syringe distribution with more peer-to-peer NSP services or the implementation of mail delivery of injecting equipment in at least four countries Austria, Belgium, Italy, and the United Kingdom. Switzerland is among the few countries across the globe where most harm reduction services are available, from NSP, OAT, and drug checking, to heroin assisted treatment in and out of prison. Professionals working in the field of harm reduction and substance use were unanimous in their opinion that all harm reduction services available in the country should also be accessible for young people who use drugs. However, access to harm reduction services in the country for young people who use drugs under the age of 18 is limited, with lower coverage across harm reduction services compared to adults in general. For example, DCRs are strictly for people who use drugs over the age of Anonymity and self-declared age put NSPs in a grey zone with regional differences. Experts working in the field of harm reduction highlighted that this limited availability is rooted in local policies and the lack of political will, as the Swiss law regulating drug use and addiction related services at the federal level impose age related restrictions only on HAT, where the admission criteria is being at least 18 years old. Though federal laws set the framework, cantons have great autonomy due to the fact that they have their own constitutions and laws, and run their own educational systems, social services, and police. Therefore, implementation, policies, and funding of services can differ greatly from canton to canton. For example, drug checking services are available in six cities Basel, Bern, Geneva, Lucerne, Olten, Zurich , while only one drug checking service in Zurich is available officially for people under This policy regulates the role and responsibility of people working in education, social care, the health system, and law enforcement when drug use-related problems are suspected in children and young people. Though harm reduction is included in the policy as one of the interventions that can be offered depending on the situational assessment, harm reduction services should be explicit about their role in early detection to avoid undermining the trust of their clients. For example, drug checking services developed guidance to integrate early detection into their work and defined the possible actions for clients under the age of providing information about the risks of drug use under 18 and about the related youth protection regulations. However, the guidance also clarifies that early detection can be integrated to drug checking services insofar as it does not endanger the relationships with their clients. Nevertheless, in practice, young people who use drugs might access harm reduction services in Switzerland because most services are anonymous. For example, DILU, a drug checking service in Lucerne, is an anonymous service where age is self-declared, so anyone using the service can access sterile syringes at the premises. A similar situation was reported in Bern, as the NSP is anonymous and, in theory, accessible for all. The contradiction between anonymity and age restriction can lead to inconsistencies. For example, in Vaud, young people who inject drugs can access sterile injection equipment, but they are not allowed to use the local DCR. They therefore cannot inject under professional supervision, unlike people who inject drugs over 18 years of age. Young people who use drugs accessing NSPs is a grey zone, with substantial differences between cantons. For example, young people who inject drugs in Lucerne can access syringe dispensing machines, but not the NSP. Reports indicate that young people cannot access NSPs in Basel, and they have to ask older people who inject drugs for equipment. The situation is similar in Solothurn, where under 18s are not admitted to NSPs. In Bern, NSPs are open for young people who inject drugs, though it is not clear to what extent this age group uses the service. In addition to general barriers, such as uneven geographical distribution of services with difficult access for people living in rural areas, lack of political will and appropriate funding for NSPs for young people is hindering access. Access to OAT seems to be an area where the difference between adults and young people who use drugs is smaller compared to other harm reduction services. This relatively good coverage can be attributed to the perceived low demand for this programme among young people. According to expert opinions, cases where OAT is needed in this age group are very rare, though the issue of data availability was also raised. In general, access to OAT for young people is not automatic. For example, in Grisons, cantonal guidelines allow OAT only for adults over 18 , but exceptions can be made if OAT is needed, with training for general practitioners also available. Scepticism and reluctance among professionals in prescribing OAT medications to young people was mentioned as a specific barrier in access to OAT. Young people cannot access DCRs in Switzerland. There are no regional differences, as age limits prevent access in all ten cities where DCRs are available in the country without exception. Generally, safer smoking equipment SSE is available at DCRs, meaning that age restriction is a serious barrier for young people who use drugs in accessing such harm reduction commodities. Young people who use drugs can access the drug checking service in Zurich but, elsewhere, people under 18 are not formally permitted to use the service. However, experts highlighted that drug checking services are anonymous, and age is selfdeclared. This is a pragmatic practice, prioritising the need for the service and building trust in the community over age restrictions. Besides age restrictions, young people who use drug checking services face the same barriers as others: uneven geographical coverage of drug checking services they are available only in big cities , and funding issues regarding available testing capacities. A lack of funding creates a significant barrier to access and, in particular, service availability. For example, in Basel, the drug checking service can take ten samples every 2 weeks, which is not adequate for the need for drug checking in the city. A recent analysis of client questionnaires highlighted the underrepresentation of young people among people who use drug checking services in Switzerland: of the respondents, only 29 were under Age disaggregated data shows higher rates of recreational use of benzodiazepines and prescription opioids, and higher rates of combined use of alcohol and benzodiazepines among under 18s compared to over 18s. Finally, the report emphasised the need for access to cannabis drug checking for young people who use drugs, as cannabis is the most frequently used substance in this population. Young people who use drugs are a vulnerable sub-population of people who use drugs, and unrestricted access to appropriate harm reduction services is therefore crucial. Swiss experts consulted for this report unanimously agreed on the importance of providing young people access to available harm reduction services without age restrictions. The most important issues hindering the implementation of harm reduction for young people were the lack of political will and funding for young person-oriented harm reduction services, and the bias towards offering prevention and treatment to under 18s when drug use is suspected. Disparate policies for young people under 18 is also a significant issue. Additionally, different local polices can further complicate the implementation of services and can lead to geographical inequalities in availability of services. The most important issue regarding access to harm reduction for young people who use drugs is the availability of specialised services tailored specifically to this age group. Both professional opinion and literature are unequivocal: all available harm reduction services should be available to all people who need it, young people included. However, there is an important caveat: existing harm reduction services designed and implemented focusing on adults who use drugs are not appropriate for young people who use drugs. We should develop new harm reduction services that ensure that young people are meaningfully involved throughout all aspects of programme design, implementation, and evaluation, giving young people agency and autonomy over decision-making processes. Full Briefing. Share this post. 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