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“From both inside and outside of the community, the main spotlight in the LGBT community has been on gay men for years,” the managers told Israeli website Mako. “Unofficially, you could feel that lesbians, trans, bisexual, queer, a-sexual, and in fact anyone who’s not gay has come second or third. Of course I don’t point a finger at gays here. It seems to me that this is simply a derivative of the general patriarchal society, where men often set the tone. ”
The work on the new dating site began over a year ago, and last week the website did an overall running test, which obviously went great, because this Tuesday the site officially began running at a launch party. The website’s managers say that LoveHer aims to be the most pleasant place for women in the community. It provides a warm welcoming home for lesbian, bisexual, trans and those who choose not to define themselves.
“The site provides a variety of services,” explain the managers. “Feed on the main page, “The Drawer” corner where you can publish poetry, fiction and stand-up comedy, the dating section, forums on various topics like LGBT parenting, feminism, vegetarianism and the community at large, articles on the lesbian community, encouraging volunteerism in the community, reviewing legislation and more. ”
“We wanted to have a place which really belongs to the proud lesbian community,” the managers of LoveHer add. “Content on the website is written by and for women members of the community. It is important for us that the site speaks in the language of the community, that it will be inclusive and give expression to all those interested in expressing themselves.”
At this point, the website is only in Hebrew, and depending on its success, the organizers would consider going international. “As an Israeli creation, we start with working here, and at a later point we’ll decide whether we want to conquer the world,” they say.
A Wider Bridge (AWB) is the North American LGBTQ organization (501c3) building a movement of LGBTQ people and allies with a strong interest in and commitment to supporting Israel and its LGBTQ communities.

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Recent years have witnessed a sea change in the legal status and standing of lesbians and gay men in Israel. The gay and lesbian community has become increasingly visible and vocal in all areas of Israeli society. One such area is the law, including both legislation by the Israeli parliament (the Knesset) and decisions by the various judicial bodies.
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... This helps to explain the large number of studies, particularly by law scholars and practitioners (e.g. Hadar 2005). (3) In the same vein, after many years of utter symbolic annihilation (Kama 2000), scholars are increasingly interested in the ways LGBT persons increasingly establish long-term relationships and can constitute a viable field of study. ...
This meta-analysis constitutes an attempt at mapping LGBT research in Israel with respect to its evolution and distribution of various attributes. Due to the relatively small size of Israel, it is possible to aggregate the entire catalogue of academic studies carried out within this field. The corpus includes all scholarly works (n=586) published about LGBT people and/or related issues in Israel between 1942 and 2018. Several aspects were critically examined: historical trajectories and distributions of languages, disciplines, topics, genres, researched populations and authors. This meta-analysis sheds light on how changes in the social sphere paved the way for the sudden growth in this field and how other macro-level phenomena affected various aspects of the field. The evolution of LGBT studies in Israel is characterized, inter alia, by a spiral movement that was driven by a nucleus of pioneering scholars who have been paving the way for others.
This introductory chapter explains how a broad perspective on reproduction as the regeneration of society helps achieve an understanding of same-sex parenthood in Israel (and elsewhere) as contributing to, challenging, and transforming the reproduction of societies. In order to develop such perspective, it is, first, necessary to address the transgenerational dimension of kinship. This raises questions as to how same-sex parenthood is embedded in—and alters—the complex ways, in which different kinds of substances such as names, property, and religious statuses connect and differentiate kin while creating societal belonging and exclusion. Secondly, it is not sufficient to analyze the clashes between opponents and proponents of LGBT rights. Rather, we need to pay heed to coexisting ontologies and to how religious and secular ideas are being translated from one societal context into another, acquire new meaning, and influence each other.
This chapter traces the path of lesbian women into and through sperm banks and fertility clinics to complicate the image of two opposing forces—Orthodox Judaism vs. liberal minded activists—that fight over the formation of same-sex parenthood. It shows that although same-sex parenthood is from the perspective of Jewish law an oxymoron, Orthodox rabbis themselves have paved the ground for lesbians’ access to sperm donation. With their efforts to kosher virtually all reproductive technologies, they have fostered an understanding of parenthood as a universal right and matter of personal dignity, upon which lesbian women effectually drew. As sperm bank managers, nurses, and physicians have established practices that turn lesbian motherhood into a shared project, families that unsettle the rabbinic cosmology are formed in their clinics.
This chapter shows that the political and legal struggles over the recognition of same-sex parenthood are tightly interlinked with the singularity of religious marriage and its national meaning in Israel. While the Knesset steadfastly upholds religious control of marriage and divorce, the narrow framework of Jewish marriage has opened unforeseen opportunities for the recognition of same-sex couples and same-sex parenthood. In particular, same-sex couples make parenthood official through second-parent adoption and parenthood orders. The chapter shows that while the legal and bureaucratic procedures and rationales have shifted toward a recognition of same-sex couples, the legal status of same-sex parenthood remains inconsistent and indeed fragmented, and thus creates insecurities that become manifest in situations of crisis. These legal inconsistencies and ambiguities are not a failure of the legal system. Rather, they are necessary to maintain a fragile balance between civil and Jewish law.
In Israel, the Orthodox rabbinate has considerable influence on the legal definitions of marriage, parenthood and the Jewish collective in general. This article explores how same-sex couples, faced with rabbinic disapproval of their relationships and parenthood, assert the legitimacy of their families in Jewish Israeli society. While many lesbian women and gay men relate to Judaism as a tradition and national identity rather than as a religion, they do not reject religious practices and definitions altogether. I show through the prism of conversion practices and childbirth celebrations that - in close dialogue with their social environment - they carefully carve out a Judaism that embraces their children and families.
Lesbian and bisexual women (LBs) have unique health needs compared with heterosexual women (HW). This study aimed to associate the health status of LB, their health behavior, disclosure of sexual orientation (SO), and avoidance of health care with that of HW. Participants in this cross-sectional study completed anonymous questionnaires, which were distributed in Internet sites and public venues in Israel, comparing health behaviors and outcomes between LB and HW. Health outcomes included subjective health status, general practitioner or gynecologist visit in the last 6 months, and satisfaction from the Israeli healthcare system. In 2012, 681 (34.4%) lesbians, 242 (13.5%) bisexual women, and 937 (52.1%) HW completed the questionnaire. In comparison with HW, LBs were more commonly single, used drugs/alcohol, smoked, experienced eating disorders, and reported an earlier sexual debut. In comparison with all women, lesbians performed less physical activities and were more satisfied with their body weight, whereas bisexuals had riskier sexual behavior and reported more verbal/physical abuse. LB reported more emergency room visits, more visits to psychiatrists, yet underwent Pap smears less frequently compared with HW. In a multivariate analysis, lesbians had fewer gynecologists' visits and were less satisfied with the healthcare system than HW, whereas bisexuals visited their general practitioner or gynecologist less frequently and were less satisfied with the primary healthcare system. Lesbians were more likely to disclose their SO with their doctors than bisexuals and were satisfied with the disclosure. Nondisclosure of SO was correlated with poor subjective health status. The interaction between being bisexual and nondisclosure of SO was strong. LB utilized health care less frequently than HW, resulting in unmet medical needs. SO disclosure was associated with better healthcare utilization and health outcomes, especially among bisexuals. Providers should be trained about LB's unique health needs and improve their communication skills to encourage SO disclosure. Mor Z, Eick U, Wagner Kolasko G, Zviely-Efrat I, Makadon H, and Davidovitch N. Health status, behavior, and care of lesbian and bisexual women in Israel. J Sex Med **;**:**-**. © 2015 International Society for Sexual Medicine.
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February 1998 · BMJ Clinical Research
Israel is to revamp completely the process of investigating complaints of alleged medical malpractice—which today takes an average of two years per case, with some taking as long as eight years. Amendments to the Physicians' Law have already been approved by the ministerial committee on legislation and are due to be approved by the Knesset (Israel's parliament) within a few months, said the ... [Show full abstract] ministry's legal adviser, Mira …
المـلــــخـــــــــــص تعتبر القواعد القانونية وليدة الأحتياجات الأنسانية لتنظيم أمور الحياة وترتيبها ، من اجل حفظ الحقوق وحمايتها وصيانتها ، وكلما كان المجتمع منظماً كانت كلمة القانون هي العليا فيه ، والبرلمان الأتحادي في الدولة يُعد تلك الجهة التي تملك ممارسة الوظيفة التشريعية وذلك من خلال اقتراح مشروعات القوانين ومناقشة مشروعات ومقترحات القوانين والتصويت عليها وسواء أكانت مقدمة من قبله أو من ... [Show full abstract] قبل السلطة التنفيذية في الدولة . وبذلك فأن الوظيفة التشريعية تُعد الوظيفة الأساسية للبرلمان الأتحادي في الدولة الأتحادية ـــــــ إذ انه صاحب الأختصاص الأصيل والولاية العامة في التشريع ــــــــ والذي غالباً مايتكون من مجلسين ، احدهما يشكل على أساس شعبي في كل وحدة من الوحدات المكونة للدولة الأتحادية ويمثل شعب الدولــــــة الأتحادية بمجموعه لذلك يتفاوت فيه عدد الأعضاء الذين يمثلون كل وحدة وفقاً لعدد سكانها ، والأخر يشكل على أساس تمثيل الوحدات المكونة للأتحاد بشكلٍ متساوي بغض النظر عن عدد سكان كل وحدة من الوحدات السياسية المكونة للدولة . Abstract The legal rules nascent human needs to regulate matters of life and arranged, in order to save the rights and protection and maintenance, and whenever community organizer was the word of law is supreme in it, and the federal parliament in the country is those who have to exercise the legislative function through propose draft laws and discuss projects and proposals laws and voting on them and whether submitted by him or by the executive branch in the state. Thus, the legislative function is the primary function of the Federal Parliament in the federal State since he his inherent jurisdiction and general jurisdiction in the legislation, which often Mitkon bicameral, one is based on the popular in each unit of the constituent units of a federal State and represents the people of the Federal State as a whole for that varies the number of members representing each unit according to population, and the other is based on the representation of the constituent units of the Federation evenly regardless of the number of residents per unit of the constituent political units of the state.
In Israel, there is no single constitutional document. Since the Constituent Assembly could not agree on the text of a Constitution, the Harari-Proposal was adopted in 1950. Parliament, the Knesset, started to legislate so-called “Basic Laws” on various subjects. According to the Harari-Proposal all the basic laws are to become chapters of the future Constitution which will be brought together in ... [Show full abstract] a single document. Currently, there are eleven Basic Laws. The question whether there is supremacy of the Basic Laws over other laws is unresolved since Basic Laws and “simple” laws are adopted by absolute majority of votes. In recent years, the Supreme Court seems to assume that there is a primacy of the Basic Laws over other general legal acts.
Israel, unlike most modern States, does not have a Constitution embodied in a formal document which lays down the basic political assumptions on which the system of government is founded, and which is considered the “supreme law of the land”. The student of Israel's Constitution must, as in the case of the British Constitution, collate his country's Constitution, including its unarticulated ... [Show full abstract] “major premises”, from a close study of the practical workings of the system of government and from a number of diverse sources of varying legal force. From a study of the workings of the system of government, Knesset (Parliament) legislation and the decisions of the courts, it would appear that Israel's courts, lawyers and others have asserted, almost without demur, the doctrine of the legislative supremacy of the Knesset as the underlying unarticulated major premise of Israel's Constitution. In accepting that assumption they seem to have chosen to follow the constitutional trail blazed by their British forerunners. This article is intended to test that assumption and to establish its exact application in the legal system.
April 2010 · Voprosy filosofii / Akademii͡a nauk SSSR, Institut filosofii
Cross-party power scramble and party rule in Russia has led to mass repressions and encouraged the repeated collapse of a thousand-year old state. The legalization of the party parliamentary majority party of power contradicts to electing deputies to the parliament but not party members. The party majority is the majority of deputies responsible for the legislative branch of the parliament. In ... [Show full abstract] the postindustrial society there is a transit from partocracy to meritocracy.
Parliaments are dual institutions by nature, as they connect society with the legal structure of the state power. An analysis of the structural properties of contemporary legislative bodies indicates the particular importance of the factor of internal organization, which makes it possible to distinguish a symmetrical bicameralism. The case of Italy is attractive for researchers of political ... [Show full abstract] systems for many reasons. One of them is a fact, that both chambers hold the identical legal and political positions, have the same five years’ terms of office and identical scopes of authority. The proportional voting system guaranteed (with two exceptions) that the legislative branch was a mirror image of society, allowing the meeting of various ideologies, including the most radical ones. Italy’s bicameral parliament manifested its ability to absorb a peaceful confrontation between the opposite poles of the political life in the conditions of a politically and culturally divided society.
This chapter considers how law is made in the UK, who makes it, and the constitutional principles which give them the authority for making it and imposing it on society. There is a detailed account of the legislative procedure of the UK Parliament, and the different types of legislation enacted by Parliament. The role of the senior courts in the development of legal principle is also considered. ... [Show full abstract] Finally, the law-making functions of key institutions of the European Union and the Council of Europe are considered. The impact of Brexit is also considered.
Included, but still not equal. Gender segregation at quota regulated boards Norway was the first country in the world to pass legislation specifying gender representation on company boards of directors. The Norwegian Parliament passed a new regulation in December 2003 that required at least 40 per cent of each gender on company boards. Before the reform, law opponents claimed that the new women ... [Show full abstract] directors would not be allowed to participate fully in board decision-making. Instead their role would only be window dressing. The article studies this allegation. The law went into force in the beginning of 2008 and it led to major changes in the gender composition of corporate boards. In 2002, only about 4 per cent of board members were women, while in 2009, all boards had reached the goal of 40 per cent women. The law's successful implementation is due to its rather tough sanctions for noncompliance. After several warnings, legal authorities will dissolve firms not following the rules. Earlier research shows that nearly all companies managed to find competent women to sit at their boards (Storvik 2010). A survey sent to all board directors after the reform showed that the new women directors were perceived as equally competent as the men who left the board as a consequence of the law. Most directors did not notice any changes at all in board work before and after the reform. As mentioned, law opponents prior to the reform argued that the new women would not be allowed to fully participate in the boards work. This development resembles what in more scientific terms often is called gender re-segregation. Hughes (1958) uses the term re-segregation to account for a process where different ethnic groups who are integrated in work organizations become re-segregated in the same organizations. As later research has shown,
This book brings together academics and practitioners from a range of disciplines from more than twenty countries to reflect on the growing importance of transparency, power and control in our international community and how these concerns and ideas have been examined, used and interpreted in a range of national and international contexts. Contributors explore these issues from a range
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