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For years I have been content to be conflicted about Alexey Navalny. On the other hand, he had allied himself with ultranationalists and had expressed views that I found extremely objectionable and potentially dangerous. Nationalist leaders have, historically, often played key roles in building democracies. Now Navalny is in jail, facing years behind bars. His current sentence of two years and eight months is likely just the beginning. He has survived more than one Kremlin-backed assassination attempt, and people close to him fear that he will now be killed in prison. The Kremlin, which for years banned his name from the airwaves, has accused him of staging his own near-death and unleashed a propaganda offensive against him, deploying, among others, the accusation that he is a far-right ethno-nationalist. On the other hand, several academics , politicians, and policy experts have nominated Navalny for the Nobel Peace Prize—an initiative that now includes Lech Walesa, the former Polish President and leader of the Solidarity trade-union movement, who received the prize in The effort was launched last September by Alexander Etkind , a Russian exile, professor at the European University in Florence, and, in my opinion, the single most insightful scholar of contemporary Russian culture and politics. Etkind is Jewish. I also realized that I should have undertaken this research sooner. In , he left the socialist-democratic party Yabloko, where he had served as the deputy head of the Moscow chapter, to start a new political movement. One was a forty-second argument for gun rights. The other, a minute long, featured Navalny dressed as a dentist, presenting a slightly confusing parable that likened interethnic conflict in Russia to cavities and argued that fascism can be prevented only by deporting migrants from Russia. And we will defend this right. Around the time Navalny released the video, and for a couple of years after, Navalny took part in the Russian March, an annual demonstration in Moscow that draws ultranationalists, including some who adopt swastika-like symbols. In , Navalny, like an apparent majority of Russians, supported Russian aggression in Georgia. In , he made illegal immigration from Central Asia a central theme of his campaign for mayor of Moscow. In the past seven years, though, Navalny appears to have not made any comments that could be interpreted as hateful or ethno-nationalist. He has publicly apologized for his comments on Georgia. In , Albats had returned to Moscow after defending her doctoral dissertation in political science at Harvard. In the preceding four years, Putin had taken control of the media and dismantled the electoral system, effectively destroying Russian politics as it had been constituted. Older, experienced politicians were disoriented. But a crop of younger activists, who had not experienced party politics in what had been a somewhat functional electoral system, were rearing to go. Albats, who had researched grassroots organizing during her years at Harvard, started gathering the young activists in her Moscow apartment. About twenty people of different political stripes—from social democrats to libertarians to religious-rights activists—attended Tuesday-night seminars with Albats for about a year, she told me by Zoom from Cambridge, Massachusetts, where she is wrapping up a research fellowship. Albats was in her late forties and an observant Jew. Navalny, in his late twenties, was the oldest among those who gathered at her house but also the least articulate and least educated: most of the others had gone to prestigious colleges, while Navalny was a military brat with an undergraduate law degree from a decidedly second-tier school. For as long as she has known him, Albats told me, Navalny has been teaching himself how to be a politician: he taught himself public speaking; while he was under house arrest a few years back, he taught himself English. In the absence of politics, in the absence of any public conversation, little remained to form political alliances around. Putin was trafficking in nostalgia for the Soviet empire. The only alternative seemed to be broadly ethno-nationalist ideas, which also addressed a sense of humiliation—and these were emerging both on what could be roughly described as the left and vaguely designated as the right. The chess champion Garry Kasparov, for example, who quit the sport in to launch a political career, created a joint movement with the National-Bolshevik Party. At the time, he told me that only a united front could overthrow the Putin regime, and only after that should pro-Western liberal democrats like him hash out their differences with the ethno-nationalists. Albats recalled that it was in this context that she told Navalny that he should attend the Russian March. They went together. Navalny has often said that he saw the Russian March as a form of valid political expression, that in the kind of Russia that he and his supporters are fighting for—a free, democratic society—the Russian March will be a festive annual event like the St. In , the Polish journalist and former dissident Adam Michnik and Navalny recorded a series of conversations that Michnik compiled into a book. What they have is a sense of general injustice to which they respond with aggression against people with a different skin color or eyes of a different shape. On immigration, Navalny has refined and reframed his position: when he advocates for a visa regime with Central Asian countries now, he emphasizes the need to protect the rights of migrant laborers. Guriev, who is now a professor at Sciences Po, has lived in exile in Paris since Erofeev has organized a number of Russian luminaries to sign an open letter in defense of Navalny and other political detainees. He has also been urging more people to back the Nobel Peace Prize nomination. University professors and former laureates like Walesa are among those who can serve as nominators for the prize. Navalny has argued that the people of Crimea should decide the fate of the peninsula by holding a free and open referendum. He has also said that Ukraine will likely refuse to recognize the results of such a referendum, were it ever held, and the conflict in and over Crimea will probably drag on for decades. What Navalny has been trying to imagine is a post-imperial Russian national identity. The nationalist opposition to Putin, when it existed, was isolationist and xenophobic. For seven years, Navalny has stuck to his positions. He has never apologized for his earliest xenophobic videos or his decision to attend the Russian March. At the same time, he has adopted increasingly left-leaning economic positions and has come out in support of the right to same-sex marriage. This strategy of adopting new positions—without ever explicitly denouncing old ones—is probably the reason the suspicion of ethno-nationalism continues to shadow Navalny. And corruption is the leading threat to the global world. Etkind and many others believe that, for recognizing corruption as the biggest political problem of our times, and for risking limb and life to fight it, Navalny deserves the Nobel Peace Prize—or, at the very least, the full and unconflicted support of decent people. Save this story Save this story. Masha Gessen began contributing to The New Yorker in and was a staff writer from to They wrote about Russia, Ukraine, autocracy, L. Our Columnists. By Masha Gessen. The New Yorker Documentary. The New Yorker Interview. By Joshua Yaffa. The Lede. Outrage and Paranoia After Hurricane Helene. These are significant things in North Carolina, where Trump and Harris are within a point of each other. By Jessica Pishko. The Daily. By David Remnick. The Weekend Essay. In and around Kyiv, war has become part of daily life, even as the public grows weary of its costs. By Keith Gessen. By Susan B. Is It Time to Torch the Constitution? By Louis Menand. By Sam Knight. While Democrats engage in the traditional rite of second-guessing, the ex-President and his G. What Are the Dads for in ? From the daily newsletter: the Vice-Presidential debate. By Molly Fischer.

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