Las Tunas buy cocaine

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Las Tunas buy cocaine

He had been in what was maybe his favorite place in the world: in the pit with the roosters and the beer and the bravado. They bet, drank and flashed wads of cash. His assassination that July 26, , like thousands in El Salvador over the years, went unresolved. Pitbul, however, wore two hats. In addition to his connection with the Perrones, he was also a member of the Mara Salvatrucha MS13 , the notorious transnational street gang. The theory had its logic. At the time of his assassination, Salamanca was well known in the towns and cities on the eastern coastline, from Playas Negras, where his family is from, to Santa Rosa de Lima, where he was killed. The new boss had problems with everyone. On social media or radio shows after his team lost a game, he would dish out death threats, including to his own players. Accompanying the message was a photo of Salamanca, holding a pistol in his hand. When Juan Pablo Salamanca joined the Perrones, he had just arrived from the United States, where he had been implicated in a murder in Arlington, Virginia. On April 27, , the thenyear-old Salamanca and two others had killed a gang member from a rival faction, known as the South Side Locos , following a fight at a soccer match in Columbia Heights West, according to legal documents from a Virginia court of appeals. Salamanca fled. Daniel Quezada and the Perrones welcomed him. Quezada paid off police agents, who facilitated and protected incoming cocaine shipments and their subsequent transport to Santa Rosa de Lima. The connections went beyond local officers. And when police did not fall in line, there were consequences. The group was also linked to political parties. Herbert Saca has kept up his high-profile status in politics within subsequent administrations , including that of current President Nayib Bukele. But in the late s , things unraveled for the Perrones. Quezada would later be sentenced to three years in jail. The others were released due to a lack of evidence, including Juan Pablo Salamanca. But the core of the group had been taken down. What was left of the Perrones began picking up the pieces. This included Salamanca, who rebuilt the trafficking corridor Quezada had left. The MS13 has never been particularly good at international drug trafficking. Internal rivalries, inexperience, sloppiness, a penchant for violence and high visibility made them unreliable partners for more experienced and practiced drug trafficking organizations DTOs. But the HLS seemed to be the exception to the rule. And his interests were not just in moving drugs but stealing them as well. This area has been rife with smuggling for decades. During the civil war in the s, illicit firearms were sent from Nicaragua to insurgent forces in El Salvador via this route. At the end of the s and throughout the s, the Perrones dominated the beaches. That was until In the northern tip of Chinandega, where mainland Nicaragua enters the Gulf of Fonseca, Pitbul settled in. With support at first from his Salvadoran gang, and then from his Nicaraguan accomplices, the leader of the HLS began expanding his operation. There, according to Nicaraguan authorities, Pitbul stored the money he was sent from El Salvador after delivering cocaine to cities like Santa Rosa de Lima and San Miguel. A separate house on the outskirts of the Nicaraguan capital was used as a hideout for the group, and as a place to plan attacks. The group also had two Toyota trucks and a Nissan pickup, which they used to move drugs destined for El Salvador and transport cash sent back across the Gulf of Fonseca after delivering cocaine shipments. And they had three motorcycles they used for surveillance along the overland drug-smuggling routes. In just under two years, Pitbul and the HLS had set up a drug trafficking operation that mirrored that of the Perrones during the previous decade, except for one important detail: They were not moving large amounts of drugs. With one bold operation, Pitbul hoped to change that equation. On the night of June 23, , Pitbul and several of his associates boarded a vessel in Mechapa, a beach town in the province of Chinandega, Nicaragua. Mechapa serves as a launchpad to El Salvador via the sea routes in the Gulf of Fonseca. Once they were away from the coast, Pitbul and his crew watched and waited. Pitbul and his crew opened fire. With their comrade bleeding out, the two other crew members decided to turn back to shore. Pitbul and his crew gave chase. At shore, La Colonia members abandoned the Joseling I and the drugs, and they headed for Chinandega in a pickup truck hidden nearby. They escaped, but their crewmate died on the way. His body was left on the road. Pitbul and his crew boarded the Joseling I and stole packages containing kilograms of cocaine. The murder of the crew member on Joseling I accelerated the investigation. To be sure, Pitbul had also begun laundering his proceeds by purchasing land in three Nicaraguan provinces and in the capital city, Managua. The infiltrators also connected him to the murder of his cousin. That individual, according to Nicaraguan police, was his former partner and his cousin , Juan Pablo Salamanca. Nicaraguan police arrested Pitbul on July 7, In the hours following his arrest, Nicaraguan authorities raided the Nagarote estate and the house in Managua. Forensic scientists found traces of cocaine and marijuana on the two bundles of cash. On August 25, , Nicaraguan prosecutors charged Pitbul and several others with murder and drug trafficking-related crimes. On January 24, , in a Managua courthouse, Pitbul was found guilty of drug trafficking, organized crime, money laundering, and illegally possessing and carrying firearms. He was sentenced to 50 years in prison. Pitbul was done. The HLS, however, remained firmly entrenched along the border. There have been other MS13 cliques who have taken baby steps into the international drug business. In , he was arrested with seven kilograms of cocaine. Authorities also link ed him to a separate shipment of kilograms, intercepted in From there, they control the entry and exit of motorboats carrying cocaine. In January alone, eight guards were murdered in the area, police officials told InSight Crime. Starting in , the prosecutor said that the scheme involved buying and renting beach properties and restaurants, which helped them conceal the proceeds of drug trafficking. But since the days of Pitbul, the strength of the HLS operation has been its access to motorboats, which they often commandeer from fishermen and commercial boatmen at gunpoint. Pitbul also left them with a fleet of boats, according to Nicaraguan authorities. The HLS, in other words, has all the appearances of an international drug trafficking organization. Subscribe to our newsletter to receive a weekly digest of the latest organized crime news and stay up-to-date on major events, trends, and criminal dynamics from across the region. Donate today to empower research and analysis about organized crime in Latin America and the Caribbean, from the ground up. Skip to content. Photo courtesy of La Prensa de Nicaragua On January 24, , in a Managua courthouse, Pitbul was found guilty of drug trafficking, organized crime, money laundering, and illegally possessing and carrying firearms. Stay Informed With InSight Crime Subscribe to our newsletter to receive a weekly digest of the latest organized crime news and stay up-to-date on major events, trends, and criminal dynamics from across the region.

Cuba Makes War On Weed

Las Tunas buy cocaine

Miguel Guilarte, the Cuban border guard's anti-drug czar. The marijuana burnt earlier in the day Tuesday had been dropped by the three-man Jamaican crew of 'Nuff Respect,' an eight-meter-long speed boat driven by two HP Yamaha motors sighted on Nov. The crew, now in Cuban custody, carried no documents, according to border guard Chief Lt. Miami Coast Guards. But it took ten days and several hundred drug enforcement agents to locate the 25 marijuana-filled sacks that had been tossed overboard in a handoff between the Jamaicans and suspected Bahamas-based smugglers for transshipment to the United States. The rest was picked up as the sacks washed up on the coast. Guilarte, arguing that drug use would undermine Cuban society, said 'Our fundamental job is to pick up the drugs before they get to our coasts It's a question of national security. It wasn't until that Cuban officials admitted drug consumption, no matter how limited, was becoming a problem on the island. Until then, it was a 'capitalist ill' introduced by unscrupulous tourists, although they acknowledged that there were Cubans who cultivated small amounts of marijuana or who sold bales of drugs found washed up on the shore. The government fought this 'incipient market' with a vengeance. In January , early morning raids with drug-sniffing dogs on the homes of suspects left floors ripped up and sofa cushions slashed. Where drugs were found, special Interior Ministry police units hauled away the entire contents of the residence, as for the most part approving neighbors looked on. And Cuba's already stiff penalties for drug trafficking were made even more stringent. Last year, according to the Communist Party daily Granma, over 1, people were tried for dealing drugs. The article published Feb. According to the report the 13 confessed at their trial to being part of a drug network. No other information is available on the case. The only public knowledge of such trials comes from the usually reticent official government media. Guilarte said that '90 percent of the vessels captured or that we have information on carry marijuana. Cocaine, he said, is mostly carried by low-flying small planes crossing narrow eastern Cuba. Guilarte explained how the border guard tracks these planes and then searches the sea for the drugs dropped for later pickup by smugglers in speedboats. According to Guilarte, Cuba's border guards and drug enforcement agents have seized 59 tons of drugs, mostly marijuana, since Crediting Cuba's stepped up vigilance for driving away drug traffickers, Guilarte noted that less than one ton was seized in , the lowest figure in 15 years. Anthony Russell, chief public affairs officer for the Miami Coast Guard says however they haven't seen any drop off in the drug trafficking through the Caribbean. That's twice the amount seized the previous year,' he told CBS News. He referred to long-standing international cooperation between the U. The U. Interests Section in Havana. Earlier this month, the head of Cuba's anti-drug agency, General Jesus Becerra complained that Washington has ignored Cuba offers to participate in regional efforts. Speaking at a training course on drug interdiction in the Caribbean, Becerra pointed out that most drugs moved through the Caribbean are destined for the U. More from CBS News. Chrome Safari Continue. Be the first to know. Get browser notifications for breaking news, live events, and exclusive reporting.

Las Tunas buy cocaine