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Roma in Catalonia

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Today a duke and a count arrived with a number of Egyptians or bohemians; sad, uncouth people who go about telling fortunes. On 23 May , regional government ministers from Igualada issued a safe conduct pass to the count Jaime from Little Egypt, addressed to royal officers, to recommend the following:. The first document regarding the expulsion and repression of Roma in Catalonia was an order issued by Germana de Foix, the second wife of King Fernando the Catholic. They would furthermore lose their personal property and be subject to lashing and sent to the galleys if they did leave the Principality within 60 days. The Viceroys and subsequent Corts of , , and renewed this legislation, which never sought the integration of Roma into Catalan society. One exception was the Corts of , which provided that if the behaviour of some Roma was proper, they could legally remain to live and work. Because Roma were an illiterate people with an oral culture, documents about them always came from outside sources, usually from institutions: the Church, inquisition officials, courts, royal orders pragmatic decrees, etc. These documents always seemed to transmit the notion that Roma were nothing but trouble. We know, however, that this was not the case because Roma families in Catalonia showed interest in being a part of society and its ordinary work. In addition, few Roma ran afoul of ecclesiastical or civil laws, as evidenced by documents. These documents confirming the presence of Roma in Catalonia include those related to cases of the Court of the Spanish Inquisition in Barcelona \\\\\\\\\\\\\[5\\\\\\\\\\\\\]. The Royal pragmatic Decree of stipulated the only cities where Roma could live, and none of them were Catalan. The city of Barcelona was added through the Royal Pragmatic Decree of Several censuses or recounts were thus conducted in compliance with the Pragmatic Decree of This census in the Principality of Catalonia was conducted in , because until that time a law for expulsion dating from had been in force. Another census conducted in counted families. The last census was in and counted families with a total of members. The Roma population was very young: two out of three Roma were under the age of 25 and the average number of children was three per marriage. After Roma were finally allowed to live in Barcelona, the city came to have one of the largest censused populations of Roma: some authors suggest the number was , while others say it was \\\\\\\\\\\\\[6\\\\\\\\\\\\\]. They were involved in high-volume livestock trade and religiously paid their cabestraje harness taxes. Finally, a third group, larger than the previous two, was comprised of people with a permanent address within the city walls who always spoke Catalan and wore Catalan-type clothing. These were individuals of good standing who had often married locals and members of the military. Francisco de Zamora y Aguilar, a mayor whose judicial jurisdiction included the criminal courts of Barcelona, carried out an educational and social initiative in Barcelona and towns in its area of influence between and Census records began to count Roma in Barcelona. They did not know how to make the sign of the cross, and some still do not know how to. He worked with 74 girls, boys and young Roma. During an initial phase, he educated them. Subsequently, he taught them a trade. The King, through the Count of Floridablanca, saw with great pleasure the work that had been done by Roma and sent congratulations and encouragement. But when Floridablanca requested for the work to be extended to the rest of the Principality of Catalonia, apparently the response was not favourable. One record speaks of rich Roma, like the one who lived in house No. The 19th century and its slow process of industrialisation slowly devalued the traditional trades performed by Roma. They had not been admitted into the trades and had no choice but to work as day labourers, farm hands, or as basket makers, shoemakers, vendors, etc. As the adaptation that they underwent in the 18th century was not possible in the 19th and 20th centuries, they descended into marginalised situations, both at work and at home. In the first third of the 20th century there was a large, heterogeneous concentration of Roma in Barcelona. We Romani families live somewhere between a state of cultural maintenance and cultural change. There is a great need to hold on to certain values and customs we believe we should not lose. We also admit the need to participate in mainstream institutions and in the educational system. This participation will enable Romani children and youth to get educated and exist in a situation of equality with other citizens and residents, and hence gain access to work opportunities that will no longer consist of selling at flea markets or other traditional trades. The new challenges of the 21st century call for us to have new tools and new jobs so that we may progress without losing our culture. The older ones sing a more sober rumba while the younger generations delight in salsa, outlandish keyboards and percussion and take Americanism to the extreme. There are still well-off families and families on the verge of poverty. There are still too many districts where Roma are highly concentrated, in detriment to their ethnic coexistence. There is a growing presence of Roma associations, and a nascent participation in non-Roma associations. There is also a more recent participation in the Romani evangelical movement. Our present democracy has brought some fundamental changes to Catalan laws. The following are two specific examples of favourable legislation:. Bearing in mind everything that we Catalan Roma have experienced, we remain convinced that, in spite of the existence of necessary changes to our cultural patterns and strategies, Romani culture will endure and continue to live into the future. Gratiniana Bustamante. Sacrilegious theft by Roma. The thieves were never found, nor was it proven that they were Roma. Miguel Malla. Prosecuted for blasphemy. The case was dismissed by the court. Magdalena Malla. Severely reprimanded, put on notice and admonished. Romani families were already very heterogeneous at that time. The majority of them were semi-nomadic, mainly owing to the very laws that persecuted them because of their need to find work. In fact, the jobs they held were often sedentary: shoemakers, blacksmiths, spinners, cordmakers, etc. A small group of Roma families active in a small number of sedentary occupations had for many years been owners of houses, and some were even wealthy. They sent their children to schools and worked in the livestock trade or as farmers. There was another small group of nomadic families who had been involved in crime, with some of them having been sentenced to prison or the galleys; in , only 18 of the registered Roma were serving some type of sentence, so they were in the minority. This Council has the powers to promote actions and initiatives which combat racism and discrimination, defend the Romani culture, encourage Romani participation, promote the active involvement of young Romani women, etc.

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