Kerry Washington Topless
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The only thing better than her look was her sweet moment with Jennifer Aniston.
Scandal-ous, indeed! Kerry Washington always looks amazing, but she showed up wearing one of her most risqué ensembles yet at the Golden Globes on Sunday night.
The actress — who presented the award for Best Actress in a TV Series, Musical or Comedy at the 77th annual award show in Beverly Hills — arrived on the red carpet in a high-waisted black satin skirt with a thigh-high slit, a black blazer, and ... not much else beyond a diamond-studded harness-style necklace and jewels from Marli New York.
Twitter reacted immediately to Kerry's racy Altuzarra ensemble, and fans couldn't stop gushing over her look.
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Obsessing over @kerrywashington's outfit!
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Can everyone else just put a robe on because @kerrywashington has just won every best dressed for the Decade! #KerryWashington #GoldenGlobes
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Kerry Washington looks absolutely stunning at the Golden Globes 😍🔥
Meanwhile Kerry, who is set to star in the new Hulu series Little Fires Everywhere with Reese Witherspoon this March, couldn't help but share her appreciation for another actress wearing black on the red carpet.
As Ryan Seacrest was interviewing Kerry for E! Live From the Red Carpet, she spotted Jennifer Aniston and shouted "You look so beautiful!" before calling the Golden Globe nominee over.
"I was just saying how amazing The Morning Show is and how much we both love Reese [Witherspoon]," Kerry said, according to E! News. "And how you're phenomenal. I'm obsessed. I love it!"
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Jen, who is nominated for Best Actress in a TV Series, Drama, returned the love, gushing back: "I love you, you're so beautiful." Given the love fest, maybe we'll see Kerry on season 2 of The Morning Show?
Gwyneth Paltrow's Golden Globes Dress Is Daring
Lauren Matthews Group Digital Content Director Lauren, Good Housekeeping's digital director, has over 15 years of experience writing and editing beauty, lifestyle, home, health, and entertaining content for publications including Country Living, Woman's Day, Brides, and First for Women.
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There was a lot of glam on the Golden Globes red carpet as the stars shimmered and shined on Sunday (5 January 2020) on one of the season's biggest nights for fashion. Kerry Washington stunned in a topless dress with a thigh-high slit.
There was a lot of glam on the Golden Globes red carpet as the stars shimmered and shined on Sunday (5 January 2020) on one of the season's biggest nights for fashion. Kerry Washington stunned in a topless dress with a thigh-high slit.
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The prince said they were not the ones behind comments on "how dark" their baby would be, says TV host.
Most Republicans who spoke at the recent Conservative Political Action Conference in Orlando, Florida, avoided acknowledging the events of Jan. 6. But less than 30 seconds into his speech, Sen. Josh Hawley confronted them head on. That day, Hawley said, had underscored the “great crisis moment” in which Americans currently found themselves. That day, he explained, the mob had come for him. The “woke mob,” that is. In the weeks since, they had “tried to cancel me, censor me, expel me, shut me down.” To “stop me,” Hawley said, “from representing you.” Sign up for The Morning newsletter from the New York Times “And guess what?” he went on, his tempo building, the audience applauding: “I’m here today, I’m not going anywhere, and I’m not backing down.” The appeal from Missouri’s junior senator reflected what has become standard fare in a Republican Party still in thrall to Donald J. Trump. As Hawley’s audience seemed to agree, his amplification of the former president’s false claims of a stolen election was not incitement for the mob of rioters who stormed the Capitol on Jan 6; it was a principled stand against the “radical left.” Yet to some of the senator’s earliest supporters, it was precisely for its ordinariness that the speech stood out, the latest reminder of the distance between the Josh Hawley they thought they had voted for and the Josh Hawley who now appeared regularly on Fox News. Against the backdrop of Trump’s GOP, the idea had been that Hawley was different. Sworn in at 39 years old, he ascended to the Senate in part by selling himself as an intellectual in a movement that increasingly seemed to shun intellect. Whereas Trump fired off brash tweets littered with random capitalizations and adverbs like “bigly,” Hawley published essays on subjects like medieval theology. Throughout his life, whether as a student at Stanford or a law professor in Missouri, Hawley had impressed people as “thoughtful” and “sophisticated,” a person of “depth.” And as a growing number of conservatives saw it, he also had the proper ideas. From the time he was a teenager, he had criticized the free-market allegiance at the center of Republican orthodoxy; when he arrived in Washington, he immediately launched into a crusade against Big Tech. The conservative think-tank class embraced him as someone who had the right vocabulary, the right suits and the right worldview to translate Trump’s vague populist instincts into a fresh blueprint for his party’s future — someone elite enough, in other words, to be entrusted with the banner of anti-elitism. Which is in part why, when Hawley became the first senator to announce that he would object to the certification of Joe Biden as president, many of his allies underwent a public mourning of sorts. They’d expected as much from, say, Ted Cruz — as one senior Senate aide put it, the Texas Republican, who had filibustered Obamacare while its namesake was still in office, had always been transparent about his motivations. But Hawley? To survey Hawley’s life is indeed to see a consistency in the broad strokes of his political cosmology. Yet interviews with more than 50 people close to Hawley cast light on what, in the haze of charm and first impressions, his admirers often seemed to miss: an attachment to the steady cadence of ascension, and a growing comfort with doing what might be necessary to maintain it. Hawley’s Stanford adviser, the historian David Kennedy, struggled to reconcile his memories with the now-infamous image of the senator, fist raised in solidarity with pro-Trump demonstrators shortly before they descended on the Capitol. “The Josh I knew was not an angry young person,” he recalled. “But when I see him now on television, he just always seems angry — really angry.” Kennedy acknowledged that Hawley was just one of many Republicans in the Trump era who had steeped their brand in “anger and resentment and grievance.” But for many of those once close to Hawley, that was the point: How did a man who seemed so special turn out to be just like everyone else? And what, they wondered, did Josh Hawley have to be so angry about? When Hawley arrived in Washington in January 2019 as Missouri’s junior senator, he positioned himself as the intellectual heir of Trumpism — the politician who could integrate the president’s populist instincts into a comprehensive ideology for the GOP. In his maiden speech, he summoned the lamentation of cultural erosion he’d been refining since high school, arguing that the “great American middle” had been overlooked by a “new, arrogant aristocracy.” For conservatives who felt Trump had identified uncomfortable truths about the party despite ultimately governing like a typical Republican, Hawley’s arrival was timely. That July, conservative writers and policy experts gathered at the Ritz-Carlton in Washington for the inaugural National Conservatism Conference, meant to map a departure from the corporate-class policies that for decades had defined conservatism. Hawley, who in his keynote speech decried the “cosmopolitan consensus,” was introduced as the fledgling movement’s “champion in the Senate.” He did not discourage whispers about 2024, and some younger Trump campaign aides, who saw him as the “refined” version of their boss, mused privately about working for him should he run. It wasn’t long before Donald Trump Jr. was inviting him to lunch at his father’s Washington hotel. Even so, he baffled his party’s leadership as he tried to derail the confirmation of some of Trump’s conservative judicial nominees, deeming their records on social issues like abortion and same-sex marriage insufficiently pure. But it was Trump’s refusal to accept the election results that offered the first real stress test for the brand Hawley had labored to cultivate — whether it was possible to be both the darling of the conservative intelligentsia and the “fighter” the party’s base craved. He had reason to believe it was. He was comfortable paying “the price of admission,” as one Republican official put it, to a place in Trump’s GOP, in part because nothing in his short political career had suggested there would ever be a cost. Early on, few had blinked when he embraced the president during a visit to Missouri. He had courted far-right figures during his campaign, yet still received plum speaking slots at high-minded conferences. And so on Dec. 30, Josh Hawley became the first Senate Republican to announce his intent to challenge Biden’s congressional certification. Hawley’s team was adamant that he had not been motivated by a potential presidential bid in 2024, but among other things had been moved by a December video conference with 30 constituents who said they felt “disenfranchised” by Biden’s victory. “He knows the state well after two campaigns, and I think he knew that Missourians supported the president,” said James Harris, a longtime political adviser to Hawley. He tried to thread the needle as he always had, wrapping his objection not in fevered “STOP THE STEAL” tweets but in questions about the constitutionality of mail-in voting in Pennsylvania. And, had there been no violence, perhaps his gambit would have worked. But when Hawley and others lent their voices to Trump’s lie of rampant voter fraud, people listened. Hawley spent much of Jan. 6 hiding with his colleagues in a Senate committee room as Trump supporters stormed the Capitol. He sat hunched against the wall, eyes fixed on his phone, as Republicans and Democrats alike blamed him for the madness. Later that evening, when senators safely reconvened to finish certifying the election, Hawley forged ahead with his objection. The reckoning was swift. Simon & Schuster dropped plans to publish his book, “The Tyranny of Big Tech.” Major donors severed ties. Yet something else happened, too. Hawley saw a surge in small-dollar donations to his campaign, making January his best fundraising month since 2018. As Axios first reported, the $969,000 he amassed easily offset defections from corporate political action committees. Added to that was the applause of the Senate Conservatives Fund, which has since bundled more than $300,000 for Hawley. As his advisers saw it, the lessons of the Trump era — that success in today’s GOP means never having to say you’re sorry — were clear. And Josh Hawley was nothing if not a star student. In the weeks since, Hawley has vowed to sue the “woke mob” at Simon & Schuster for dropping his book. He’s written for The New York Post about “the muzzling of America.” He has appeared on Fox News to discuss said muzzling. And while he said shortly after the riot that he would not run for president in 2024, his advisers have continued to hype him as “one of the favorites” of a potential Republican primary field. Hawley tested his new cri de coeur on a live audience on Feb. 26, at the gathering of the conservative faithful in Orlando. “You know, on Jan. 6, I objected to the Electoral College certification,” he began. “Maybe you heard about it.” The room erupted. “I did,” he went on, “I stood up —” His words were drowned out by cheers. It had not been the mood of his speech. But as he paused to take in the standing ovation, Hawley seemed happy. This article originally appeared in The New York Times. © 2021 The New York Times Company
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Meghan Markle told Oprah Winfrey that giving up these things trapped her at a time when she was having suicidal thoughts.
Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte's order to kill armed rebels was legal, his spokesman said on Monday, as catholic leaders joined condemnation of the killings of nine activists in separate weekend raids against suspected insurgents. Human Rights groups are outraged over the deaths of what they said were legitimate activists under the guise of counter-insurgency operations, which came two days after Duterte told security forces they could kill rebels if they were holding a gun and to "ignore human rights". "The president's 'kill, kill, kill' order is legal because it was directed at armed rebels," his spokesman Harry Roque said in a briefing, adding the government would still investigate the incident.
Ben Stansall-WPA Pool/Getty ImagesPublic opinion sharply polarized in the United Kingdom on Monday as the smoke cleared after Meghan Markle and Prince Harry’s bombshell interview with Oprah Winfrey.On one side were those who argued Meghan and Harry’s interview was a self-indulgent tirade of unsubstantiated allegations aimed at undermining the monarchy and enhancing their own profiles. On the other stood what appeared to be a stunned, shocked and disbelieving majority, appalled at the treatment Meghan said she had endured. Nowhere was the national psychodrama clearer than on Britain’s breakfast chat show, Good Morning Britain, anchored by Meghan troll-in-chief, Piers Morgan, who led the charge for those arguing that the interview was a “disgusting slur” on the royal family.As he did so, his aghast-looking co-presenter Susanna Reid made it clear this wasn’t happening unchallenged on her watch; she angrily accused Morgan of talking over her and not taking Meghan’s allegations with the seriousness they deserved in an on-air confrontation. Another guest, racial equality activist Dr Shola Mos-Shogbamimu, called Morgan “a liar and a disgrace” for his attacks on Meghan.A clip of her berating Morgan was widely shared on social media.The nation must see this! Piers Morgan getting told the truth 👏 #GMB #HarryandMeghanonOprah pic.twitter.com/blA4wl2gJa— Jamie Bolton (@JamieBolton) March 8, 2021 In a later panel on the show, British TV star Trisha Goddard also held Morgan to account over his suggestion that the comments about Archie’s skin color might not have been racist.Morgan claimed that “most families” might have a conversation about a new baby’s skin colour and tried to say that it was “curiosity” rather than racism.But Goddard told him: “Why is everybody else such an expert about racism against Black people. I’m sorry Piers, you don’t get to call out what is and isn’t racism against Black people. You can call out all the other stuff you want, but leave the racism stuff to us, ok?”.@TrishaGoddard says @piersmorgan can call out whatever he wants but he doesn’t get to say what ‘is and isn’t racism against black people.'He responds he's calling out Meghan's 'incendiary charge of racism against the Royal Family'. Watch GMB👉https://t.co/6iQ6ebeOEQ pic.twitter.com/LhIeVrcKwx— Good Morning Britain (@GMB) March 8, 2021 Morgan views were broadly summarized by a number of tweets he sent after the broadcast, writing: “I expect all this vile destructive self-serving nonsense from Meghan Markle,” and, “I wouldn’t believe Meghan Markle if she gave me a weather report.”The British opposition Labour party called for an investigation into the allegations of racism. Kate Green said the accusations by Meghan during an interview with Oprah Winfrey that aired in the U.S. on Sunday were “really distressing, shocking.”Green told Sky News: “If there are allegations of racism then I would expect them to be treated by the palace with the utmost seriousness, and fully investigated.”Asked if the palace needed to respond to the claims, Green said: “I’m sure that the palace will be thinking very carefully about that, and I certainly think people will be wondering what is going to be said. But there’s never any excuse, in any circumstances, for racism, and I think it is important that action is taken to investigate what are really shocking allegations.”There has been no official government response to the interview so far. Vicky Ford, the Conservative government’s minister for children, who was undertaking a broadcast round to talk about the full reopening of schools in England, told the BBC she had not seen the interview.Ford added: “There’s no place for racism in our society and we all need to work together to stop it.”Conservative MP Andrea Jenkyns tweeted: “Today’s Commonwealth Day gives us all another reminder of Her Majesty’s long life of service and duty, continuing to work for us all despite her husband being in hospital. Britain stands with our Queen.”Fellow Conservative MP Michael Fabricant said: “Every family is dysfunctional one way or another. The holder of every high position will have personal little secrets they want hidden. We are all human. Only HM Queen seems to float selflessly above it all.”Read more at The Daily Beast.Get our top stories in your inbox every day. Sign up now!Daily Beast Membership: Beast Inside goes deeper on the stories that matter to you. Learn more.
Millions of English children and teenagers headed back to school on Monday for the first time in two months, having endured their second extended stretch of home learning because of a strict national lockdown to slow the spread of COVID-19. The reopening of English schools to all pupils is the first step in a four-stage government plan to ease the lockdown while trying to prevent a new surge in infections after a devastating winter wave that severely strained hospitals. "Getting all schools back has been our priority and the first step of our roadmap back to normality," Prime Minister Boris Johnson said on Twitter.
The couple stayed at Perry's home in California for three months after leav
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See Kerry Washington 's Topless Altuzarra Dress on 2020 Golden Globes Red...
Kerry Washington wears topless dress with thigh-high slit to Golden Globes
Kerry Washington Topless GLAMBOT at the Golden Globes! - YouTube
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