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In the first of two reports on hashish production and trafficking in the Rif area of Morocco, Pierre-Arnaud Chouvy examines the cultural, political and economic factors that have engendered cannabis cultivation in the area. The Rif itself is estimated to be the source for 42 per cent of global hashish production as cannabis cultivation in the region has expanded rapidly there since the s, in part due to increasing European demand. In , in its first ever Cannabis survey, the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime UNODC estimated that , hectares of cannabis were cultivated in Morocco, that is, a little more than the estimated area cultivated with opium poppies in Afghanistan in , ha. However, hashish production in Morocco differs greatly from opium production in Afghanistan and Myanmar, and from coca production in Colombia, for no armed conflict challenges the writ of the Cherifian kingdom over its territory. Although cannabis cultivation in Morocco is illegal, in the area a complex set of colonial, political and economic factors has resulted in an entrenched tolerance of the cannabis plant. Such economic factors, combined with the sustained demand for hashish in Western Europe, mean that cannabis cultivation in the Rif now presents an economic, political, and even ecological challenge, not only for the Rif, but also for Morocco as a whole, and for the international and particularly European community. The UNODC estimated in that, in a regional division of cannabis resin production, 42 per cent of global hashish production 7, tonnes in originated from North Africa, where only Morocco produces hashish. The UNODC also estimated that during the period, Morocco yielded 31 per cent of the hashish produced by 90 countries, before Pakistan 18 per cent , Afghanistan 17 per cent , Lebanon 9 per cent , and India 9 per cent. Hashish is a psychoactive drug made from the resin of the female cannabis plant. It can be obtained through two different processes, depending on techniques employed in various production areas. In Morocco, the resin glands of the cannabis inflorescence, where tetrahydrocannabinol THC , its main psychoactive substance, is concentrated, are collected by sieving after the plant has been harvested and dried. Sieving was also the technique favoured in the Bekaa Valley, in Lebanon, where Red Lebanon hashish was produced in large quantities up until the early s. The other technique, only used in some parts of Asia, is hand rubbing. Much less technical than sieving, it consists of rubbing the flowering cannabis branches back and forth between the palms and fingers until the resin builds up on the hands. Such a process occurs in India, Kashmir included, and Nepal. Sieved hashish is much easier and faster to obtain than hand-rubbed hashish since, according to botanist Robert Connell Clarke in his book Hashish! Such a difference not only makes sieving much more suitable for commercial-scale production but it also makes it more potent since almost no resin is left on the plant. In fact, Western influence not only spurred cannabis cultivation in Morocco, through colonialism, it also initiated hashish production in the country at the onset of the hippie culture in the s. However, historians seem to agree that cannabis cultivation only started around Ketama, in the mountainous Berber-inhabited Rif area north of Fez, in the 15th century. Much later, in the 19th century, Sultan Moulay Hassan Hassan I officially authorised cannabis cultivation for local consumption in five douars, or villages, of the Ketama and Beni Khaled tribes, in the Senhaja area of the Rif. In the kingdom was split into two protectorates by Spain and France, and the right to cultivate cannabis was again granted to a few tribes, this time by Spain. In , Abdelkrim el-Khattabi unified the Berber tribes of the Rif in their resistance to Spanish authority and set up the independent Republic of the Rif , before being defeated by a French-Spanish coalition. That zone was gradually reduced until, in theory, it was abolished in , although in fact, production continued at a high level, particularly during the last few years of the protectorate. Far from being solved the problem has only worsened. Since France was a signatory to the Geneva International Convention on Narcotics Control, organised by the League of Nations, cannabis cultivation was progressively prohibited in the French protectorate. Only in was cultivation completely prohibited in the French protectorate. In , when Morocco gained independence, cannabis prohibition was extended to the former French and Spanish zones. However, Mohammed V decided to condone cannabis cultivation in the five historical douars of the Ketama and Beni Khaled after the prohibition led to conflict in the Rif. The Rif is one of the Berber areas of Morocco, and Berbers, as shown by the episode, have resisted foreign rule whenever possible Arab rule included. As the anthropologist Clifford Geertz explains in his study The Integrative Revolution, the establishment of the Arabised, Islamic reformist Cherifian dynasty at the end of the 17th century and, later, the colonial rule of Morocco, reinforced the distinction between bled as-siba and bled al-makhzen. The French colonial power increased this distinction after the decade during which the proconsul Lyautey kept the tribes in check and reinforced the Makhzen bureaucracy, only to be defeated by the tribal uprising led by Abdelkrim al-Khattabi. Starting in , Berber chiefs, such as the Interior Minister of Mohammed V and the governor of the province of Tafilalet, promoted a kind of tribal primordialism and neo-traditionalism aimed against the Istiqlal nationalist party, the administrative arm of the throne that had reinstated the Islamic judicial system. Loyalty to the king, however, was never challenged. Sporadic Berber uprisings occurred, particularly in the Rif from to In the region rose in rebellion against the government and the uprising was put down by a military expedition composed of two-thirds of the Moroccan army, which, under the command of then-Crown Prince Hassan, even resorted to napalm bombardments. These uprisings were partly caused by economic deprivation, since Moroccan Berbers make up the majority of the poorest classes in Morocco, and since Berber regions have not seen the same development aid as Arabised coastal and urban regions. Moreover, cultural frustration relating to the status and teaching of the Berber language added to economic grievances. Cannabis cultivation in the Rif is intrinsically tied up with this long, complex and violent history of rivalries, tolerance, and conflict, and is thus well entrenched in the region, both politically and economically. The right to cultivate cannabis in the Rif was first granted to five douars by Sultan Moulay Hassan. Cultivation was further allowed under the Spanish Protectorate, except for the short period during which Abdelkrim al-Khattabi argued against it. Even Mohammed V tolerated cannabis cultivation at the onset of Moroccan independence, for tribal discontent with cannabis prohibition had to be quelled. People from the region of Ketama now either assert that Mohammed V orally allowed them to cultivate cannabis around the village of Azilal, or that a dahir gives them the official right to do so. However, as stressed by the Moroccan economist and sociologist Kenza Afsahi, the aforementioned dahir clearly does not allow such a thing. Notwithstanding the illegality of cannabis cultivation in the kingdom, its tolerance continued under the reign of Hassan II. Cannabis cultivation in the Rif extended over probably less than 10, hectares in a limited geographical area until the early s, when, as a result of complex economic, and some geopolitical, factors, the area under cultivation expanded rapidly. The economic crisis that unfolded in Morocco in the late s and early s hit especially hard in the Rif Mountains, where the mechanisation of agriculture was never satisfactorily developed and where emigration opportunities proved insufficient to compensate for the lack of employment. At the same time, growing European demand for hashish — that developed during the s and s — turned the Moroccan cannabis economy from producing kif, a mixture of chopped marijuana and tobacco, to producing hashish. In addition, conflicts in Afghanistan, Lebanon and Syria, and increased counter-narcotics efforts in Lebanon and Turkey, affected their respective hashish productions, creating a balloon effect that benefited Moroccan production. While kif was produced and smoked in Morocco at that time, the only hashish available was most likely from Lebanon. It is not certain when and how hashish was first produced in Morocco, although various accounts point to a likely start in the mid s when Westerners tried making sieved hashish around Ketama. According to Dutch and European Union official estimates, cannabis was grown on around 25, hectares in the mid s, on 60, hectares in , and on 75, hectares in During the s and s, cannabis cultivation expanded outside of the traditional growing area of the Senhaja country, into the Ghomara and Jebalas regions and also to the east of the province of Al Hoceima. Since the turn of the century cannabis cultivation has reached unprecedented surface areas and geographical limits, as shown by the estimated , and the , hectares cultivated in and respectively. Both ecologically and economically, cannabis cultivation and its rapid increase in the Rif Mountains are understandable. The Rif is one of the most unsuitable regions for intensive agricultural production: a rugged relief of steep slopes and poor soils, combined with heavy but irregular rainfall compounded by a lack of irrigation infrastructures, make most crops other than cannabis not worth the labour invested. According to the UNODC, rain-fed cannabis cultivation brings seven to eight times more revenues than barley cultivation; 12 to 16 times more when irrigated. Moreover, demographic trends require any agricultural production to be as economically viable as possible: at habitants per square kilometre human density is three times higher in the Rif than in the rest of the country. Increased land pressure combined with a lack of economic development in the region has led to two distinct geographical expansions of cultivation — first, at the expense of forested areas, with thousands of hectares of forest being burned every year to clear new areas for cannabis production; and also in the valley bottoms where better soils and better access to water are available. In , the survey conducted by the UNODC showed that 96, families, or , people, were involved in cannabis cultivation: 66 per cent of the rural households that were surveyed and 6. In terms of surface area, 1. During the last decade cannabis cultivation has spread in and outside of the Rif, the economic appeal of a cash crop proving increasingly detrimental to forest preservation as well as to other agricultural activities. Cannabis monoculture has developed considerably, to the point of becoming a subject of ecological concern. The extensive use of fertilisers causes soil pollution, insufficient or inexistent fallow periods cause soil depletion, and deforestation, increasingly perpetrated to accommodate new cannabis fields, increases soil erosion. In the absence of a strong political will to address the economic and demographic issues of the Rif area, cannabis cultivation will soon prove to be unable to make up for the lack of development the region has long suffered. Box: Estimating Cannabis yields In , about tonnes of cannabis resin were seized in Western Europe and 66 tonnes in Morocco. South and Central Asia only accounted for 9 per cent and 5 per cent of the global output. Actually, estimating cannabis crops has always proved extremely difficult. With its survey on Morocco the UNODC produced the first serious estimate of cannabis cultivation and hashish production in any given country. But this survey now raises questions regarding global estimates of cannabis cultivation and the share taken by Morocco in the global output. Here the difference is important because the cultivation and production techniques employed across the world depend on which final product is sought: marijuana or hashish. Pierre-Arnaud Chouvy holds a Ph. The debate about decriminalizing that industry has been bubbling away in parliament for a while, with a member of the opposition saying in August that his party hopes to legalize cannabis production within the next three years. Hashish production The UNODC estimated in that, in a regional division of cannabis resin production, 42 per cent of global hashish production 7, tonnes in originated from North Africa, where only Morocco produces hashish. Historical cultivation in the Rif The Rif is one of the Berber areas of Morocco, and Berbers, as shown by the episode, have resisted foreign rule whenever possible Arab rule included. Ongoing growth Cannabis cultivation in the Rif extended over probably less than 10, hectares in a limited geographical area until the early s, when, as a result of complex economic, and some geopolitical, factors, the area under cultivation expanded rapidly. View all posts. Read more. Publication list Photography Categories About. We use cookies to ensure that we give you the best experience on our website. If you continue to use this site we will assume that you are happy with it.

Morocco said to produce nearly half of the world’s hashish supply

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