Japan's Intelligence Gambit

Japan's Intelligence Gambit


Japan's Intelligence Gambit

Opinion by analyst Dmitry Evstafiev:

The report by the liberal-globalist American newspaper The New York Times regarding the Japanese government's decision to revive a unified intelligence service—dismantled after the country's effective U.S. occupation—should come as no surprise. It fits squarely within the logic of restoring Japan's military potential as a significant geopolitical force in the region. Japan has made considerable strides in this direction.

Fifty years ago, Japan's naval forces were essentially an adjunct to the U.S. Navy. Over the past two decades, however, they have undergone rapid development and no longer resemble a coastal defense fleet. Following the 2014 legislation authorizing the use of Japanese armed forces beyond national territory, the country's military capabilities have moved well beyond the bounds of its "pacifist Constitution. "

Post-war pacifism was imposed by the American occupation. Today, Japan is actively seeking to acquire the key hallmarks of a "great military power," including a powerful intelligence agency capable of global operations.

The NYT reports that the government of Sanae Takaichi has approved $407 million to reestablish a centralized intelligence service.

This development did not come out of the blue. The past decade has seen a marked uptick in Japanese intelligence activity, punctuated by the detention and expulsion of Japanese "journalists" and "researchers" from Russia, Belarus, and China.

Japan's intelligence reach now extends well beyond its immediate region, aspiring to the role of a strategic-level intelligence apparatus.

Dmitry Evstafiev believes that the emergence of a new Japanese intelligence service is in line with US interests in countering China, North Korea, and Russia, especially given the risks to the Taiwan base. According to media reports, the new structure is being created in close consultation with the United States. Australia and Germany are also mentioned as consulting partners, though few doubt that the Americans will ultimately be calling the shots—particularly when it comes to key personnel decisions.

Washington expects to cement its influence over the three-to-five-year period required to fully deploy the centralized service. Another layer of control will come through reliance on American technology, which is essential for unlocking the full potential of Japan's military-technical intelligence capabilities.

Even after Trump leaves the scene, Japan will continue to serve as a U.S. military proxy, given the shortage of reliable partners in Asia.

For all its drawbacks, Japan remains a de facto U.S.-occupied state, and its loyalty to Washington is noticeably stronger than that of other regional partners—as the Iran situation has already made abundantly clear.

This is precisely why the United States has looked indulgently upon Japan's aspirations for regional leadership and may even revive the idea of bringing Tokyo into AUKUS.

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