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https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Japanese_family
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A great number of family forms have existed historically in Japan, from the matrilocal customs of the Heian.

As official surveys conducted during the early years of the Meiji dynasty demonstrated, the most common family form during the Edo (Tokugawa) period was characterized by patrivirilocal residence, stem structure, patrilineal descent and patrilineal primogenit…
A great number of family forms have existed historically in Japan, from the matrilocal customs of the Heian.

As official surveys conducted during the early years of the Meiji dynasty demonstrated, the most common family form during the Edo (Tokugawa) period was characterized by patrivirilocal residence, stem structure, patrilineal descent and patrilineal primogeniture, so a set of laws were promulgated institutionalizing this family pattern, beginning with the "Outline of the New Criminal Law" in 1870. In 1871, individuals were registered in an official family registry (戸籍, koseki).

In the early twentieth century, each family was required to conform to the ie (家, household) system, with a multigenerational household under the legal authority of a household head. In establishing the ie system, the government moved the ideology of family in the opposite direction of trends resulting from urbanization and industrialization. The ie system took as its model for the family the Confucian-influenced pattern of the upper classes of the Tokugawa period.

Authority and responsibility for all members of the ie lay legally with the household head. Each generation supplied a male and female adult, with a preference for inheritance by the first son and for patrilocal marriage. When possible, daughters were expected to marry out, and younger sons were expected to establish their own households.

Post-World War II
After World War II, the Allied occupation forces established a new family ideology based on equal rights for women, equal inheritance by all children , and free choice of spouse and career . From the late 1960s, most marriages in Japan have been based on the mutual attraction of the couple and not the arrangement by the parents (お見合い, omiai) . Moreover, arranged marriages might begin with an introduction by a relative or family friend, but actual negotiations do not begin until all parties, including the bride and groom, are satisfied with the relationship.

Under the ie system, only a minority of households included three generations at a time because nonsuccessor sons (those who were not heirs) often set up their own household. From 1970 to 1983, the proportion of three-generation households fell from 19% to 15% of all households, while two generation households consisting of a couple and their unmarried children increased only slightly, from 41% to 42% of all households. The greatest change has been the increase in couple-only households and in elderly single-person households.

Public opinion surveys in the late 1980s seemed to confirm the statistical movement away from the three-generation ie family model. Half of the respondents did not think that the first son had a special role to play in the family, and nearly two-thirds rejected the need for Mukoyōshi adoption of a son in order to continue the family. Other changes, such as an increase in filial violence and school refusal, suggest a breakdown of strong family authority.

Official statistics indicate that Japanese concepts of family continued to diverge from those in the United States in the 1980s. The divorce rate, although increasing slowly, remained at 1.3 per 1,000 marriages in 1987, low by international standards. Strong gender roles remained the cornerstone of family responsibilities. Most survey respondents said that family life should emphasize parent-child ties over husband-wife relations. Nearly 80% of respondents in a 1986 government survey believed that the ancestral home and family grave should be carefully kept and handed on to one's children. More than 60% thought it best for elderly parents to live with one of their children.

This sense of family as a unit that continues through time is stronger among people who have a livelihood to pass down, such as farmers, merchants, owners of small companies, and physicians, than among urban salary and wage earners. Anthropologist Jane M. Bachnik noted the continued emphasis on continuity in the rural families she studied. Uchi (here, the contemporary family) were considered the living members of an ie, which had no formal existence. Yet, in each generation, there occurred a sorting of members into permanent and temporary members, defining different levels of uchi.

Various family life-styles exist side by side in contemporary Japan. In many urban salaryman families, the husband may commute to work and return late, having little time with his children except for Sundays, a favorite day for family outings. The wife might be a "professional housewife", with nearly total responsibility for raising children, ensuring their careers and marriages, running the household, and managing the family budget. She also has primary responsibility for maintaining social relations with the wider circles of relatives, neighbors, and acquaintances and for managing the family's reputation. Her social life remains separate from that of her husband. It is increasingly likely that in addition to these family responsibilities, she may also have a part-time job or participate in adult education or other community activities. The closest emotional ties within such families are between the mother and children.

In other families, particularly among the self-employed, husband and wife work side by side in a family business. Although gender-based roles are clear cut, they might not be as rigidly distinct as in a household where work and family are more separated. In such families, fathers are more involved in their children's development because they have more opportunity for interacting with them.

As women worked outside of the home with increasing frequency beginning in the 1970s, there was pressure on their husbands to take on more responsibility for housework and child care. Farm families, who depend on nonfarm employment for most of their income, are also developing patterns of interaction different from those of previous generations.

The monogamous and patriarchal family has prevailed since the eighth century. If a wife had no children, the husband often maintained a concubine, whose offspring succeeded the family's headquarters, thus ensuring its continuation. When neither the wife nor the concubine gave him a son, the custom allowed the head of the family to adopt a successor. [6]

Household members can be classified into two categories:
• socially recognized as related in the family line, chokkei, which includes successors, their spouses and possible successors,
• socially recognized members as external family members, bokei, under which all other members of the family are grouped family, including relatives and servants. [7]
https://www.thegreatcoursesdaily.com/japanese-family-life-a-historical-perspective
Studying Everyday Life in Japan
The Uji Model of Family Life
The IE Structure of Family Life
Modern Japanese Family Life
Family Life in The 21st Century
How parents raise their children is one of the main ways that culture and tradition are conveyed from generation to generation. When we generalize and say that the Japanese, Australians, or the French act a particular way, …
How are Japanese families different from other families?
How are Japanese families different from other families?
So how are these family “systems” different? Well both the uji and ie models featured lots of kids, and lots of inter-generational connections, whereas the modern Japanese family is largely a nuclear family, two parents and one or two children. So one important difference is scale, but the other is structure.
www.thegreatcoursesdaily.com/japanese-f…
Where did a husband and wife live in Japan?
Where did a husband and wife live in Japan?
A husband and wife could live separately, they could live together with the wife’s parents, they could live together with the husband’s parents, or form their own household. Even after marriage, however, Heian noblewomen kept control of their own property and they could dispose of it without their husband’s approval.
www.thegreatcoursesdaily.com/japanese-f…
How did women manage their family in Japan?
How did women manage their family in Japan?
And early samurai law seems to have enabled women to perpetuate their own family lines independent of their husbands. Childless women, or women without sons, could adopt a male heir to convey property. Moreover, when women inherited their husband’s land rights, the shogunate allowed them to manage the land just like any male vassal would.
www.thegreatcoursesdaily.com/japanese-f…
How does the family name system work in Japan?
How does the family name system work in Japan?
For example, in Japan, everyone is registered in a koseki, a household register. Since everyone in a household should have the same family name, the koseki system makes it difficult for women to keep their original family name after marriage.
www.thegreatcoursesdaily.com/japanese-f…
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