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Western Asia has long been a hotbed for various illicit drugs, including hashish, methamphetamine and Captagon. Cocaine, by contrast, has not gained a foothold in the region, despite continued increases in supply and demand worldwide. However, in recent years, there have been signs that Turkey may be becoming the next key cocaine transit hub. Although Turkish officials reported a 44 per cent increase in cocaine seizures between and , data on domestic consumption did not show a parallel increase, suggesting that the country is likely to serve as a drug corridor. In Western Asia, the infrastructure needed for cocaine to spread is already in place. However, it remains to be seen whether the drug will flood the regional market. This is especially true given that there is no shortage of alternatives. For cocaine suppliers from Latin America and Turkey to establish a significant presence in Western Asia, they would need, at a minimum, to align themselves with established drug traffickers in the region. This has been the case in Turkey, where Latin American groups capitalized on their expertise, resources and networks to establish a cocaine corridor stretching from Turkey to Europe, the Caucasus and Russia. This operation involved close collaboration with Turkish heroin traffickers and Balkan criminals , allowing them to leverage existing networks and knowledge from the long-standing heroin trade. It remains to be seen, however, whether cocaine suppliers can exploit such connections to reach the broader Western Asia region. Volatility in the region may well drive a quick need for cash, with the funding of conflict through drug trafficking becoming a vulnerability. Although cocaine may not be the preferred illicit substance among drug users in the region, there are some notable exceptions. In the Gulf states, as well as other hotspots in Lebanon and Israel , there are some vibrant consumer markets. In the Levant, cocaine use has reportedly increased among the growing middle and upper classes, and particularly young people. It is in these niche wealthy markets that the impact of a Turkish cocaine corridor would probably be most felt. However, UNODC findings do not reflect this, suggesting instead that smuggling activities appear to involve mainly foreign nationals with no apparent connection to Turkey catering to foreign individuals and expatriate communities. Similarly, seizures of cocaine being shipped from Turkey to Western Asia in have so far been remarkably low. Nevertheless, the Gulf remains the most likely candidate for an expanded cocaine market. In West Africa, high-ranking members of the group have been implicated in the cocaine trade between Latin America and Europe. Western Asia not only exports cocaine criminals, but also appears to afford them some protection. These individuals escape prosecution in their home countries and find opportunity for freedom in Gulf states. As the Gulf experiences an influx of cocaine expats, it is also witnessing the inflow of illicit proceeds from the drug trade. The real-estate boom in Dubai in recent years has been linked to the influx of illicit funds derived from the drug trade and other illicit activities. Even if Turkey were to further establish itself as a major cocaine corridor, it is unlikely that this would lead to an immediate surge of the drug in Western Asia. However, in the current context of instability and the drive for resources that come with it, this development may set the stage for the drug trade to introduce new dynamics and challenges to the region. The series explores, from a regional perspective, how drug trafficking is influenced by instability and broader geopolitics, the effects it has on local dynamics throughout illicit supply chains and its wider global impact. Sign up to our Western Asia mailing list. Author s Sarah Fares Laura Adal. Posted on 13 Oct Western Asia is perceived as playing a relatively minor role in the global cocaine trade. However, claims that Turkey may be emerging as a major cocaine corridor to Europe raise questions about a potential influx of the drug into the rest of Western Asia. Too many stakeholders For cocaine suppliers from Latin America and Turkey to establish a significant presence in Western Asia, they would need, at a minimum, to align themselves with established drug traffickers in the region. Opportunities in the Gulf? Related analysis.

Out with the old, in with the old: Iran’s revolution, drug policies, and global drug markets

Iran buy coke

FORTUNE Magazine — Lunchtime in Tehran's tony northern suburbs, and around the crowded tables at Nayeb restaurant, elegant Iranian women in Jackie O sunglasses and designer jeans pick at grilled Alborz trout and salad, their table chatter gliding effortlessly between French, English, and their native Farsi. And the drink of choice? This being revolutionary Iran, where alcohol is banned, the women are making do with Coca-Cola. Isn't corporate America prohibited by Washington's sanctions from doing business in Iran? Yes, for the most part, says U. Treasury spokeswoman Molly Millerwise. But Treasury has bent the rules for foodstuffs, a loophole through which American drinks giants Coca-Cola and PepsiCo have been able to pour thousands of gallons of concentrate into Iran via Irish subsidiaries. And that has allowed these brands, so much a symbol of America—and so much an affront to Iran's conservative clerics—to open another front in their global cola war. After just a few years back in Iran, Coke and Pepsi have grabbed about half the national soft drink sales in what is one of the Middle East's biggest drinks market. That may be good news in Atlanta and Purchase, N. Minai would rather Iranians drink Zamzam Cola, named after a blessed well in Mecca, the holiest place in Islam, or other local brands produced by Khoshgovar, which licenses Coke, and Sasan, which has the Pepsi franchise. But Iran's trendy young consumers are not as engaged in the Palestinian conflict as their Arab neighbors, anti-U. That only makes them want to buy it more. Zamzam's 17 plants bottled Pepsi before the Islamist revolution. Now the company is controlled by the Foundation of the Dispossessed, a powerful bonyad, one of many religious charities Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini used to quasi-nationalize Iran's economy. Conceived as a way of helping Iran's needy, the bonyads have become gold mines for the powerful. Coke and Pepsi shrug off the hardliner rhetoric and insist they aren't breaking any laws—American or Iranian—by licensing products in Iran through their concentrate subsidiaries in Ireland. Says Pepsi spokesman Dick Detwiler: 'PepsiCo has no equity investment in Sasan or any other enterprise in Iran and has no relationship with the government of Iran. We sell in strict accordance with all applicable U. Morad Abadi is also sanguine about his Iranian critics. Boycotts of American beverages are nothing new in the Middle East. Coke has endured persistent—and false—claims that its logo insults the Koran. Iran's diatribes against Pepsi were particularly shrill last July, when Israel clashed with the Tehran-backed Hezbollah in Lebanon. Things have quieted since the end of the war, but the whispering campaign against Coke got so bad that the company felt compelled to create a page on its website called 'Middle East Rumors' to counter the myriad accusations. Shopkeeper Shahgholi owns a store in downtown Tehran around the corner from the former U. Reliable sales figures are hard to come by. Coke may be the real thing in Iran, but you won't hear that familiar slogan here. Washington's rules forbid U. It wouldn't be welcomed anyway by the mullahs, who regard American-themed advertising as spiritual pollution. The history of Coke and Pepsi in Iran is as chaotic and complex as the country's politics. Both companies were active here before the revolution, when Pepsi dominated the market through Zamzam. In the s Coke tied up in Tehran with Sasan Pepsi's bottler since and with Khoshgovar, a private company owned by the Yazdi family that controlled distribution in Iran's eastern territory. Though arriving late, Coke pushed ahead of Pepsi after an ayatollah issued a fatwa, or religious ruling, banning Pepsi because its franchisee followed the Baha'i faith, which is regarded as heretical by Iran's majority Shiite Muslims. But Coke says it pulled out in as Khomeini's revolution was building. The following year the Shah was ousted, and then came the day siege of the U. Washington slapped sanctions on Iran during the hostage drama, but by they were relaxed enough to allow Coke to return, again with Khoshgovar in the eastern part of the country. Khoshgovar wanted to capture the Tehran market and bought a brewery in the capital that had been shut down by the teetotaling revolution. But under pressure from the regime, it sold the site to a Tehran investment company, Noushab, which had close links to then-President Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, today one of Iran's richest men. In , Coke licensed Noushab to sell its products in Tehran. A year later U. President Bill Clinton tightened sanctions on Iran. That left Noushab with a new factory and thousands of Coke bottles but no concentrate. Undaunted, Noushab devised its own syrups and filled Coke's bottles with them. That didn't stop Noushab, leading to confusion in the marketplace when Clinton eased sanctions on foodstuffs in and Coke tied up again with Khoshgovar. For years Iran has been awash with Khoshgovar's genuine Coke and what looked like Coke in Noushab's real bottles. Today Iranians know that if Coke comes in plastic bottles, it's Khoshgovar's real Coke, but if it is in glass bottles, it's probably Noushab's faux Coke. Noushab declined a request for an interview, a company lawyer saying the group was 'in turmoil. How will it all play out? Sasan deputy CEO Saeed Jalilian sees a younger, richer Iran forcing out the cheaper and politically correct local brands like Zamzam in favor of foreign brands. Fast food has changed their tastes. Germany, with a similar-sized population, consumes bottles per person annually. The threat of war with the U. Jalilian reckons that his company is a winner either way. If there's a war and the American brands are again banned, he says, Sasan will take over Khoshgovar's Coke market share with its local brand, Parsi Cola. And if there's peace—or a U. While the mullahs in the mosque might beg to differ as political winds again buffet Iran, they may not be able to do much about it. Licensed by Khoshgovar, an Iranian company that gets its syrup from an Irish subsidiary of Coke. Licensed by Sasan, Coke's former bottler, in Gets concentrate from an Irish subsidiary of PepsiCo. What sanctions? Coke and Pepsi are battling for the hearts and minds of Tehran. More from Fortune Will Mmmhops be a hit? NBA confirms L. Subscribe to Fortune. From the March 5, issue. Top Stories 7 things to know before the bell. SoftBank and Toyota want driverless cars to change the world. Why it's time for investors to go on the defense. Iran's Cola War Sanctions? More from Fortune. Will Mmmhops be a hit? Top Stories.

Iran buy coke