Incest Young Child History

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The taboo surrounding incest has existed for thousands of years, but its social impact has shifted over time, reflecting changing notions of children, law, SEXUALITY, and the family. The historian must exercise caution in interpreting the role of incest in the United States because rhetoric does not always reflect reality. People rarely spoke about child sexual abuse prior to the 1970s; nevertheless incest clearly occurred. Society's responses to allegations of incest reflect the changing and often ambiguous role of children in society and are shaped by notions of gender, race, socioeconomic status, and ethnicity.
In the colonial period, children were economic assets to the family and essentially under paternal control. Their economic function was eclipsed as Victorian concepts of middle-class domesticity emerged in the nineteenth century. Children were recast as innately innocent and malleable, and mothers replaced fathers as the moral guardians of the home. This image of innocence underscored the perception of childhood vulnerability. During the Progressive Era, CHILD-SAVING professionals increasingly intervened in the family, subtly challenging parental authority and implying that faulty and inadequate PARENTING could harm children. The twentieth century saw the emergence of CHILDREN'S RIGHTS, often at the expense of parental authority.
Although rarely mentioned, there is mounting evidence that child sexual abuse occurred frequently throughout the last two centuries. Laws about statutory rape and incest reflect awareness that child sexual abuse existed, but their erratic enforcement suggests ambiguity about sexual abuse and society's role in child protection. Between the 1880s and 1900, for example, most states increased the AGE OF CONSENT from ten to at least sixteen, reflecting a common concern of the social purity movement that girls were vulnerable to sexual harm. Although almost every state outlawed incest, sexual acts between parent and child outside of intercourse fell under less stringent legal statutes.
Historians have argued that cultural practices may have facilitated sexual abuse in the home. Sleeping arrangements that placed adults in the same bed with children–such as occurred in the crowded conditions of nineteenth-century tenements, or the limited bed space in colonial and frontier homes–gave adults easy access to children, enabled children to witness carnal acts between adults, and may have facilitated incest. Myths about VENEREAL DISEASE transmission may have contributed to sexual abuse by reshaping taboos against incest into acts of desperation. According to one myth, which still occasionally surfaces as an excuse, intercourse with a virgin will cure a man suffering from a venereal disease. During the nineteenth century, men who invoked this explanation for sexual relations with minors were considered less predatory and legally culpable.
During the Progressive Era the profession of social work was born; with it came increased scrutiny of the private lives of American families. When early social workers uncovered cases of incest, they frequently described the girls as seducers rather than victims. Considered sexually deviant, these girls risked incarceration in institutions for delinquent girls. Conversely, fathers who were named as perpetrators were rarely prosecuted; a promise to reform was considered sufficient. By the 1920s, children were often imbued with paradoxical qualities of being at once erotic and innocent, a tension epitomized in Nabokov's 1958 novel LOLITA.
Commonly held beliefs may have deflected suspicion away from parents. Victorian domestic literature frequently warned mothers to beware of salacious domestic workers caring for children. Accused of calming young charges by masturbating them and introducing sexual activity prematurely, domestic employees were often the first household members to be implicated when sexual abuse was suspected. Little evidence supports these accusations against nursery maids; yet the frequency with which the concern was raised reflects a simmering fear that sexual abuse could perturb the seemingly calm Victorian home. Similarly, when a child contracted gonorrhea and a parent was found to have the disease as well, infected sheets and toilet seats were blamed instead of the parent. The mistaken belief that children could catch gonorrhea from objects led sexual abuse to go unrecognized as late as the 1970s.
Historians have shown how twentieth-century rhetoric may have hidden more abuse than it exposed. The strangerperpetrator, so threateningly portrayed in mid-twentieth-century media, diverted attention from more likely perpetrators in the home. Freud's notion of children's innate sexuality and his belief that memories of sexual abuse represented unconscious wishes stressed the erotic nature of children and caused many professionals to question the validity of memories of sexual abuse. Even as concern about sexual abuse grew throughout most of the twentieth century, most experts resisted the idea that incest might be common.
CHILD ABUSE burst into American social conscience in the last three decades of the twentieth century, but there were important antecedents, though initially they were focused on physical rather than sexual abuse. Organized social response to child abuse began in 1874 when a severely beaten girl was brought to the American Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals and thus led to the founding of analogous societies to protect abused children. Her case typified nineteenth-century stereotypes: abused children came from immigrant, impoverished, intemperate, and marginalized homes. These stereotypes buttressed middle-class values, reinforced notions of middle-class domestic tranquility, and persisted for over a hundred years.
Other social movements helped set the stage for the late-twentieth-century discovery of incest. Feminism empowered women to expose domestic abuse and encouraged society to protect other victims, like abused children. The social activism of the 1960s and 1970s created a sympathetic audience for abused children. Increased sexual freedom gave society a vocabulary to discuss sexual abuse. In the early 1960s pediatricians, inspired by social activism and responding to increased professional interest in developmental and behavioral issues, began to identify and protect physically abused children. By the 1970s this medicalization of child abuse had expanded to include child sexual abuse as well, and medical evaluations became standard features of child sexual abuse cases. As society increasingly felt obliged to protect abused children, the paternal hegemony that dominated early American families had eroded and a variety of professionals gained authority in policing and protecting the family.
Ashby, LeRoy. 1997. Endangered Children: Dependency, Neglect, and Abuse in American History. New York: Twayne Publishers.
Evans, Hughes. 2002. "The Discovery of Child Sexual Abuse in America." In Formative Years: Children's Health in the United States, 1880–2000, ed. Alexandra Minna Stern and Howard Markel. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.
Freedman, Estelle B. 1989. "'Uncontrolled Desires': The Response to the Sexual Psychopath, 1920–1960." In Passion and Power: Sexuality in History, ed. Kathy Peiss and Christina Simmons. Philadelphia: Temple University Press.
Gordon, Linda. 1986. "Incest and Resistance: Patterns of Father-Daughter Incest, 1880–1930." Social Problems 33: 253–267.
Gordon, Linda. 1988. Heroes of Their Own Lives: The Politics and History of Family Violence, Boston 1880–1960. New York: Penguin Books.
Gordon, Linda, and Paul O'Keefe. 1984. "Incest as a Form of Family Violence: Evidence from Historical Case Records." Journal of Marriage and the Family 46: 27–34.
Jenkins, Philip. 1998. Moral Panic: Changing Concepts of the Child Molester in Modern America. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.
Mason, Mary Ann. 1994. From Father's Property to Children's Rights: The History of Child Custody in the United States. New York: Cambridge University Press.
Odem, Mary E. 1995. Delinquent Daughters: Protecting and Policing Adolescent Female Sexuality in the United States, 1885–1920. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press.
Pleck, Elizabeth. 1987. Domestic Tyranny: The Making of American Social Policy against Family Violence from Colonial Times to the Present. New York: Oxford University Press.
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Incest, or sexual relationships between biologically close family members, is an idea that may make your skin crawl. But it has often been practiced around the world throughout history. Royals often married close family members to keep their bloodline pure and to protect the throne politically and economically.
Cultural attitudes toward incestuous relationships vary more than one might imagine; while one group may warn of supernatural repercussions to the act, another may see spiritual virtue and deem such relationships a form of worship. The variety of examples from around the world may surprise you.

In the long-gone empire of Monomotapa in Zimbabwe, one king had over 300 wives. His “main wives” were close relatives, often sisters or even daughters, and only their children could one day inherit the throne. These special children could only become royal heirs because of their exclusively royal bloodline, having not been made impure by nonroyal unions. Only the king could partake in this exclusive kind of incest—nonroyal noblemen would have faced death if they tried it themselves.[1]
Royal incest also occurred in the Fon kingdom of Dahomey (located in present-day Benin), where the king could mate with whichever woman took his fancy: single or married, foreign or native, free or slave. Even women from his own family were allowable, including cousins but not full sisters.

In pharaonic Egypt, it was believed that the dowry of the royal heiress would include the throne. Not only that, but they believed that the bloodline would be strengthened by a brother-sister union. While we cannot easily genetically test the offspring of these unions today, we do know that quite a few 18th-dynasty pharaohs married their sisters or half-siblings, and Ramses II in the 19th dynasty certainly did.
Akhenaten (aka Amenhotep IV) received some attention when he married his sister, Nefertiti, and it was claimed their parents were also close relatives. From his appearance in artwork from the period, experts have speculated he may have had genetic conditions and abnormalities. This was later confirmed following genomic analysis on DNA samples from Tutankhamun, his son. His abnormalities may have been from mutations resulting from the commonplace marrying between brothers and sisters in the royal bloodline.[2]
In Roman Egypt, those outside of the royal family were engaged in brother-sister marriages. In contrast, the Romans were against incestuous unions, and the marriages outlined in records were of people marrying outside the Egyptian ruling classes at the time of the Romans.
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Incestuous marriages occurred across the economic and social divides. The most astonishing example recorded was between twins, a union which was said to have produced an heir. These unions, although in great number, were concentrated in the Greek settler community, which may account for the limited number of possible partners.[3]
Zoroastrianism was the religion in Iran until the invasion of the Muslims, and the incestuous marriages of the time were tied to the religious beliefs that marriage was favored by the gods, and the act was similar to worship. Mother-son, brother-sister, and father-daughter unions were outlined in the Pahlavi texts (sixth to ninth century AD) as having a special religious integrity.
Incestuous unions were one of the ways Zoroastrians believed one could enter heaven as well as expunge the sins of the soul. There is little to no evidence left of Zoroastrian people actually having incestuous relationships in this way, but there are plenty of references to how it was seen from a religious perspective.[4]
From the 15th to the 19th centuries, European royalty often married between cousins. We see this happening with the Spanish Habsburgs, the Prussian Hohenzollerns, the French Bourbons, the Russian Romanovs, and the British royal families.
Some experts believe that the decline in families like the Spanish Habsburgs was due to inbreeding, as mental as well as physical problems began to cause family members to deteriorate.[5]

In more recent history, anthropologists have examined the Malagasy people and their relationship with incest definitions. They found the Malagasy have different views on what constitutes incest; in some pockets of Madagascar, first cousins can be man and wife, but in other regions, that is strictly taboo.
If the line is crossed into incest, either intentionally or unintentionally, they believe terrible things will happen as a result. Their crops might fail, canoes at sea will overturn, their children may die, women may become infertile, and birth defects like horns or humps may follow. These consequences may happen whether the couple realize they are related or not and may not affect the husband and wife themselves but their village or community. The seriousness of the disaster befalling the community will let them know how much atonement must be done.[6]
The Incas thought they were direct descendants of the gods. Believing their ancestors were celestial bodies, royal families mirrored the stories of the Sun, who married his sister, the Moon. When the Inca king Topa Inca Yupanqui married his sister, he was attempting to join both the father and mother’s claim to the throne in the heir they would produce, and all the inheritance that would include, into one union.
If a royal marriage was childless, the king was then expected to marry his second, then third sister until an heir was produced. If there were no sisters to choose from, he could select a first cousin to procure a reasonably pure bloodline. Royal incest ceased when the Spanish conquered the Inca people.[7]
For royal brothers and sisters to produce an heir was considered to be very fortunate, and the offspring was thought to have extra mana, or power and prestige. No other claims to the throne would be considered if a strong union like this took place, and primogeniture was strictly enforced even if the firstborn was female.
The 19th-century Hawaiian writer David Malo describes the power hierarchy of Hawaiian royalty as interconnected with how related the parents of the new heir to the throne were. To keep the lineage as high-ranking as possible, suitable partners for a chief were his own sister or (if a sister was not available) a half-sister or niece. This kind of union was called a “loop, a thing bent on itself” and was so sacred that the offspring would be called divine. This way, the child was fit to become the next chief, without competition and powerful beyond question.[8]
Thai royal men had many wives and were much more inbred than their subjects, with large harems of women from different social classes, including those of their own kin.
In 1907, the reigning king, Paramindr Maha Chulalongkorn (aka Rama V), had two queens who were his half-sisters in order to procure an heir with the highest political status possible. Incest was not expressly forbidden to those outside the royal family as it was in other cultures. King Paramindr’s father had 84 children by 35 wives in his lifetime. Marriages were made for the royal family by “kingmakers” who were not close relatives, and unions between uncles and nieces and between half-siblings were common in order to maximize the political royal lineage for the next generation.[9]

People in Tibet do not discuss incest lightly, and some say it does not exist in their land at all. However, if and when it occurs, there is a special pilgrimage that may be done to purify the sins of the couple. Nal (“incest”) is a word found in rituals texts and exists today with the same meaning it has for the rest of the world.
One Tibetologist, Katia Buffetrille, recalls an account from 1989 in which a couple in a Tibetan village was found to have committed incest. They were beaten by the villagers and sent to the sacred place of Chorten Nyima, a mountain on the eastern ridge in the Himalayas, bordering India and Tibet. After they bathed in the sacred lake and spring, they obtained a sealed certificate of compliance to the ritual in the monastery and were then able to prove to the villagers they were now purified. Afterward, they returned to their families and previous social positions.
Incidentally, in Tibetan culture, had the man been of superior status, his mother would have gone to Chorten Nyima with him, and the woman would have gone with her father. One Sherpa told Buffetrille that on the journey to the sacred mountain, the couple rode on a bullock accompanied by a man on horseback but had to walk back to the village after the ritual. No stigma was attached to the couple after the sealed certificate was presented on their return.[10]
Alexa MacDermot is a psychology, sociology, and anthropology researcher living in Ireland.

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Incest Young Child History