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'Incest' mum and son 'caught having sex after son's wife walks in on them'
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FIRST LOOK AT TWO 'lead family members' OF 'INCEST CLAN' COLT FARM IN AUSTRALIA
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Tony L Lavoie, 43, and his mum Cheryl Lavoie, 64 were allegedly caught having sex by Lavoie's wife, who walked in on the pair at their home in Massachusetts, US on May 20
A mum and son who were allegedly caught having sex after the son's wife walked in on them have appeared in court.
Tony L Lavoie, 43, and his mum Cheryl Lavoie, 64, were allegedly caught romping in Massachusetts, US on May 20.
Police were called to their home after reports of a disturbance, local newspaper Sentinel and Enterprise reports.
When officers arrived at the property, they were allegedly met by the cousin of Lavoie's wife, who claimed her relative had walked in on her husband having sex with his mum and phoned 911.
According to reports, the pair told police that it was consensual sex and that it was the first time sexual intercourse between them had happened.
When a police officer asked Lavoie why it had happened, he is said to have replied "I don’t know. It just happened.".
Lavoie allegedly claimed her and her son had become close before the incident, and had sex after kissing.
Police charged the mother and son with incest, which carries a maximum sentence of 20 years in jail.
Both pleaded not guilty to the charge when appearing in court.
At the hearing, the judge ordered the pair not to see each other.
They are next due in court on October 27.
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The incest taboo refers to the cultural prohibition of sexual activity or marriage between persons defined as "close" relatives; the degree of which is determined by the society in which the persons live. Various theories exist to explain the origins and motivations of incest taboo , and in particular, whether or not such a taboo exists universally or relatively.
The following excerpt from Notes and Queries , the most well-established field manual for ethnographic research, illustrates the scope of ethnographic investigation into the matter.
As this excerpt suggests, anthropologists are interested in the gulf between cultural rules and actual behavior, and many ethnographers have observed that incest occurs in societies with prohibitions against incest. It should be further noted that in these theories anthropologists are generally concerned solely with brother-sister incest, and are not claiming that all forms of incest are taboo (these theories are further complicated by the fact that in many societies people related to one another in different ways, and sometimes distantly, are classified together as siblings). Moreover, the definition restricts itself to sexual intercourse; this does not mean that other forms of sexual contact do not occur, or are proscribed, or prescribed. It should also be noted that in these theories anthropologists are primarily concerned with marriage rules and not sexual behavior. In short, anthropologists were not studying "incest" per se; they were asking informants what they meant by "incest," and what the consequences of "incest" were, in order to map out social relationships within the community.
This excerpt also suggests that the relationship between sexual and marriage practices is complex, and that societies distinguish between different sorts of prohibitions. In other words, although an individual may be prohibited from marrying or having sexual relations with many people, different sexual relations may be prohibited for different reasons, and with different penalties.
For example, Trobriand Islanders prohibit both sexual relations between a man and his mother, and between a woman and her father, but they describe these prohibitions in very different ways: relations between a man and his mother fall within the category of forbidden relations among members of the same clan; relations between a woman and her father do not. This is because the Trobrianders are matrilineal; children belong to the clan of their mother and not of their father. Thus, sexual relations between a man and his mother's sister (and mother's sister's daughter) are also considered incestuous, but relations between a man and his father's sister are not. Indeed, a man and his father's sister will often have a flirtatious relationship, and a man and the daughter of his father's sister may prefer to have sexual relations or marry.
Examples from other societies further reveal the variation in local understandings of incest. In Chinese societies, there is a strong taboo against marriage of persons with the same surname no
matter how distantly related. There are often local taboos against marriage between people of
certain surnames on the grounds that these surnames belong to clans which were closely related
in the past. Similarly, although marriage between first cousins is forbidden in some contemporary jurisdictions it is both legal and acceptable in others.
Although anthropologists have observed and studied violations of incest taboos (in other words, cases of incest), all anthropological theories of the incest taboo are concerned with the formal proscription against incest (as defined locally), not with actual cases of incest (however defined). These theories are motivated by two major questions: first, given the variation in how different societies define incest, and in which relationships are proscribed, is there any general pattern or universal function of incest taboos? Second, given that people do commit incest, why do so many (indeed, arguably, all) societies proscribe certain forms of incest? These questions are not concerned with the specific effects of incest on specific people — a matter usually left to psychologists .
One theory is that the observance of the taboo would lower the incidence of congenital birth defects caused by inbreeding . A society that had noticed this might tend to form an incest taboo.
Anthropologists reject this explanation for two reasons. First, inbreeding does not directly lead to congenital birth defects per se; it leads to an increase in the frequency of homozygotes . A homozygote encoding a congenital birth defect will produce children with birth defects, but homozygotes that do not encode for congenital birth defects will decrease the number of carriers in a population.
One might complain that a society would have to have a fairly advanced understanding of genetics to recognise this potential "benefit" of incest, whereas the increased prevalence of birth defects is relatively easy to spot.
Second, anthropologists have pointed out that in the Trobriand case a man and the daughter of his father's sister, and a man and the daughter of his mother's sister, are equally distant genetically. In that particular case, the prohibition against relations is not based on or motivated by concerns over biological closeness.
Another theory suggests that the taboo expresses a psychological revulsion that people naturally experience anyway at the thought of incest.
Under this view, advanced by evolutionary psychologists , the incest taboo is primarily caused not by social condemnation, but rather by genes for incest avoidance, which would tend to prosper, by ensuring that an individual's children (possibly containing those same genes) are not unhealthy due to inbreeding. Furthermore, the benefits of sex (as opposed to asexual reproduction ) are mysterious (see evolution of sex ), but whatever they are, they would tend to be reduced by incest. Genes that prevented incest would tend to inhabit bodies that had more of these benefits, and therefore tend to become more widely spread.
Evolutionary psychologists (e.g. Steven Pinker in How the Mind Works ) suggest that genetic influence is at work in the Westermarck effect , whereby people raised in close proximity (whether related or not) tend to feel little sexual attraction to each other, after maturity.
Most anthropologists reject this explanation, since incest does in fact occur. They suggest that the taboo itself may be the cause of the psychological revulsion.
Claude Lévi-Strauss has argued that the incest taboo is in effect a prohibition against endogamy , and the effect is to encourage exogamy . Through exogamy, otherwise unrelated households or lineages will form relationships through marriage, thus strengthening social solidarity. Lévi-Strauss first exposed this Alliance theory in the Elementary Structures of Kinship (1949).
This theory was debated intensely by anthropologists in the 1950s. It appealed to many because it used the study of incest taboos and marriage to answer more fundamental research interests of anthropologists at the time: how can an anthropologist map out the social relationships within a given community, and how do these relationships promote or endanger social solidarity? Nevertheless, anthropologists never reached a consensus, and with the Vietnam War and the process of de-colonization in Africa, Asia, and Oceania, anthropological interests shifted away from mapping local social relationships.
This page uses content from the English language Wikipedia . The original content was at Incest taboo . The list of authors can be seen in the page history . As with this Familypedia wiki, the content of Wikipedia is available under the Creative Commons License .
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We Spoke to Brothers and Sisters in Incestuous Relationships
Writer Chloe Combi spent years interviewing young people around the UK – and stumbled upon something she never thought she would.
ORIGINAL REPORTING ON EVERYTHING THAT MATTERS IN YOUR INBOX.
In 2015 I published a book, Generation Z: Their Voices, Their Lives .
The product of thousands of interviews with Gen Z kids from across the UK, I was pleased with what was discussed: racism , sex , crime , struggles with gender and sexuality, death, disability and inequality, among other things. The accounts that didn't make the cut were lost because of space, repetition or for legal reasons. But there was one I left out for a different reason altogether.
I met Grace early in the research process. She wanted to talk about her struggles with mental health and eating issues, her parents – the type who should never have been allowed to raise a child – and her ineffective and uncaring carers. The collateral damage to the then-17-year-old was profound: acute anxiety , OCD , a combination of anorexia, bulimia and binge-eating that had hospitalised her three times, several unsuccessful early teenage suicide attempts and a tendency to take any drink, drug or sexual encounter she was offered.
The one bright spot and transformative presence in Grace's life seemed to be her quiet, steady boyfriend, Adam. By her description, he'd "sorted her out". She clearly loved him deeply, and I thought little more about it or him. Until a few months later.
Some time into the interview process, Grace admitted to me that, as well as being her boyfriend, Adam was also her brother. Full brother. Not step-brother or even half-brother.
Having spent the previous four years interviewing young people from all kinds of backgrounds, my poker face was pretty good – but faced with someone admitting to something so taboo it was hard not to ask the obvious questions. Did they sleep together? Yes, all the time. Did their parents know? She/they had no idea where her parents were and hoped they were dead. Did anyone else know about their background? No. Did she see a future for them as a romantic couple, i.e., marriage and family etc? Yes, absolutely.
Grace eventually told me the whole history of how they got together, and because of her fragility and the incredibly controversial and tragic nature of their story I became concerned the press might really glom onto it and want to find out who Grace and Adam were, so I and my publishers decided to withhold it from my book. Grace and Adam are still together romantically, and she was happy for me to allude to them here.
This encounter with Grace and Adam triggered an interest in the prevalence and dynamics of these kinds of relationships. I'd always assumed incestuous relationships to be rarer than a teenager who eschews social media, and always the product of abuse. But while parental incest is illegal in most countries, many countries take a much more liberal stance on sibling incest.
A map showing the legality of consensual sex between siblings in Europe.
To scratch beneath the surface of this highly peculiar and unspoken issue is to reveal that not only are incestuous relationships more common than anyone might expect, but also in some cases not only consensual but motivated by the same things as more conventional adult relationships: romance, need, desire, loneliness and attraction. This raises all kinds of ethical questions about consent, victimhood, legality and morality, but it also raises another big one: can anyone ever really have a healthy, consenting sexual and emotional relationship with a close or blood relative?
Anna, 23, thinks it's possible. She describes her twin brother as "more like a boyfriend" throughout their older teenage and into their university years. By her account they "started to have feelings for each other" in their younger teenage years that eventually manifested in an intense sexual and emotional relationship that precluded any other romantic relationship for either Anna or her twin, Stephen.
The siblings' non-platonic relationship eventually fizzled out when Anna met her current partner in her third year of university. Anna's partner and the twins' parents have no idea about their past relationship, though Anna maintains it was one of the best things to happen to her and vital for both her and her brother's sexual and emotional development
Daryl*, 24, disagrees that anyone can have a healthy romantic relationship with a blood relative. He had a romantic and sexual relationship with his half-sister, Jessica, and it ended up causing enormous damage to both he and Jessica, as well as the entire family, when they were eventually found out in "pretty dramatic circumstances".
Getting professionals to talk on the record about incest outside the realms of abuse is difficult, because they understandably fear it both legitimises it and undermines the many victims of nonconsensual incest. But the general consensus is that one of the driving factors of more consensual incestuous relationships seems to be paradoxically both the fractured nature of modern families and the closeness of other families.
If you haven't grown up together – as in the case of Grace and Adam – you don't have the gross-factor and immediate familiarity that other siblings develop via living together from birth. Equally, despite our hyper-connectivity, people are more isolated than ever. As friendship groups and dating-culture retracts, plenty of people socialise and hang out with family members – especially when they're close in age. Though rare, it is clearly not out of the realms of possibility that this can lead somewhere other than playing Playstation together – as was the case with twins, Anna and Stephen.
Statistics on what we might cautiously call "consensual incest" don't really exist, and most experts maintain that – particularly in the case of parental incest – there is no such thing, that it is always rape or coercion (on the part of the parent). The internet, of course, tells a different story. There are extensive and active "pro-incest" communities across the globe, discussing their own incestuous relationships in tones ranging from guilt to pride to overt horniness. These communities also offer each other support and discuss legal issues and ways to campaign for legalised incest.
To confuse the issue further, incest is viewed very differently depending on where you are and who's in
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