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Authorities in El Salvador burned a 2. Salvadoran police released images and video this week of the huge pile of drugs being burned in the town of Ilopango, east of the capital San Salvador. The cocaine was seized in May more than 1, miles off the coast of El Salvador from seven men in boats. Two Ecuadorians, two Colombians and three Mexicans were arrested. Police did not detail their exact charges. El Salvador's government has implemented a widespread crackdown on gangs and drug traffickers since the election of President Nayib Bukele in Under his leadership, the government declared a state of emergency in March that led to mass arrests of tens of thousands of suspected gang members. Recently, El Salvador's government transferred around 2, suspected gang members from prisons around the country to a new 40,capacity 'mega prison' in Tecoluca, southeast of the capital. In a highly produced video shared by Bukele on social media, the prisoners are seen being escorted into the facility under heavily armed guard. Bukele pledged the prisoners would 'pay for the crimes committed against our people. Gang violence was widespread in the country for decades, with official estimates placing the number of gang members in the country between 60, and 86,, according to Human Rights Watch. El Salvador had a longstanding high homicide rate, which peaked at per , people in , before falling to a historic low in The Bukele government's anti-crime tactics have come under fire from human rights groups over concerns for due process and arbitrary confinement. The organization also reported enforced disappearances. Human Rights Watch warns that Bukele's government has 'systematically dismantled democratic checks and balances. The Biden administration has also expressed concern, turning down a meeting request with Bukele in and sanctioning several of his top aides. However, U. The Associated Press reported the change could be attributed to a shift in the Biden administration's priorities in addressing illegal immigration. More from CBS News. Record haul of drugs seized from 'narco sub' and other boats in Pacific. Israeli police say 7 citizens arrested, accused of spying for Iran. Oscar weakens to tropical storm as it moves by Cuba. Chrome Safari Continue. Be the first to know. Get browser notifications for breaking news, live events, and exclusive reporting.
A number of writers have alleged that the United States Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) was involved in the Nicaraguan Contras' cocaine trafficking.
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These claims have led to investigations by the United States government, including hearings and reports by the United States House of Representatives , Senate , Department of Justice , and the CIA's Office of the Inspector General which ultimately concluded the allegations were unsupported. The subject remains controversial. A investigation by a sub-committee of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee the Kerry Committee , found that 'the Contra drug links included', among other connections, '\[ State Department of funds authorized by the Congress for humanitarian assistance to the Contras, in some cases after the traffickers had been indicted by federal law enforcement agencies on drug charges, in others while traffickers were under active investigation by these same agencies. The charges of CIA involvement in Contra cocaine trafficking were revived in , when a newspaper series by reporter Gary Webb in the San Jose Mercury News claimed that the trafficking had played an important role in the creation of the crack cocaine drug problem in the United States. Webb's series led to three federal investigations, all of which concluded there was no evidence of a conspiracy by CIA officials or its employees to bring drugs into the United States. In , U. Three officials told journalists that they considered these reports 'reliable. Spadafora was later found murdered. In , another Contra leader 'told U. Five American Contra supporters who worked with the rebels confirmed the charges, noting that 'two Cuban-Americans used armed rebel troops to guard cocaine at clandestine airfields in northern Costa Rica. They identified the Cuban-Americans as members of Brigade , an anti-Castro group that participated in the Bay of Pigs invasion of Cuba. Several also said they supplied information about the smuggling to U. On March 16, , the San Francisco Examiner published a report on the ' seizure of pounds kg of cocaine from a Colombian freighter' in San Francisco ; it said that a 'cocaine ring in the San Francisco Bay area helped finance Nicaragua's Contra rebels. According to the report, 'Twelve American, Nicaraguan and Cuban-American rebel backers interviewed by The Associated Press said they had been questioned over the past several months \[about contra cocaine trafficking\] by the FBI. In the interviews, some covering several days and being conducted in Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Texas, Colorado and California, several of the Contra backers told AP of firsthand knowledge of cocaine trafficking. On April 17, , the Reagan administration released a three-page report stating that there were some Contra-cocaine connections in and , and that these connections occurred at a time when the rebels were 'particularly hard pressed for financial support' because aid from the United States had been cut off. Once you set up a covert operation to supply arms and money, it's very difficult to separate it from the kind of people who are involved in other forms of trade, and especially drugs. There is a limited number of planes, pilots and landing strips. The U. Senate Foreign Relations Committee 's Subcommittee on Terrorism, Narcotics, and International Operations , chaired at the time by Senator John Kerry , held a series of hearings from to on drug cartels and drug money laundering in South and Central America and the Caribbean. According to the report, the U. For the better part of a decade, a San Francisco Bay Area drug ring sold tons of cocaine to the Crips and Bloods street gangs of Los Angeles and funneled millions in drug profits to a Latin American guerrilla army run by the U. Central Intelligence Agency. The series alleged that the three had relationships with the Contras and the CIA, and that law enforcement agencies failed to successfully prosecute them largely due to their Contra and CIA connections. African Americans , especially in South Central Los Angeles where the dealers discussed in the series had been active, responded with outrage to the series' charges. In early October, , a front-page article in The Washington Post \[ 23 \] by reporters Roberto Suro and Walter Pincus , argued that 'available information' did not support the series's claims, and that 'the rise of crack' was 'a broad-based phenomenon' driven in numerous places by diverse players. The article also discussed Webb's contacts with Ross's attorney and prosecution complaints of how Ross's defense had used Webb's series. One described the series' evidence as 'thin'; \[ 19 \] the second, citing interviews with current and former intelligence and law-enforcement officials, questioned the importance of the drug dealers discussed in the series, both in the crack cocaine trade and in supporting the Nicaraguan Contras' fight against the Sandinista government. The Los Angeles Times devoted the most space to the story, developing its own three-part series called The Cocaine Trail. The series ran from October 20—22, , and was researched by a team of 17 reporters. The first article, by Katz, developed a different picture of the origins of the crack trade than Dark Alliance had described, with more gangs and smugglers participating. The third article, by Mitchell and Fulwood, covered the effects of crack on African Americans and how it affected their reaction to some of the rumors that arose after the Dark Alliance series. When the Los Angeles Times series appeared, Ceppos again wrote to defend the original series. He also defended the series in interviews with all three papers. An editorial in the Times , while criticizing the series for making 'unsubstantiated charges', conceded that it did find 'drug-smuggling and dealing by Nicaraguans with at least tentative connections to the Contras' and called for further investigation. The Post response came from the paper's ombudsman, Geneva Overholser. Calling the Post's overall focus 'misplaced', Overholser expressed regret that the paper had not taken the opportunity to re-examine whether the CIA had overlooked Contra involvement in drug smuggling, 'a subject The Post and the public had given short shrift. In contrast, the series received support from Steve Weinberg, a former executive director of Investigative Reporters and Editors. In a long review of the series' claims in The Baltimore Sun , Weinberg said: 'I think the critics have been far too harsh. Despite some hyped phrasing, 'Dark Alliance' appears to be praiseworthy investigative reporting. After the series' publication, the Northern California branch of the national Society of Professional Journalists had voted Webb 'Journalist of the Year' for After Ceppos' column, The Mercury News spent the next several months conducting an internal review of the story. The review was conducted primarily by editor Jonathan Krim and reporter Pete Carey , who had written the paper's first published analysis of the series. Carey ultimately decided that there were problems with several parts of the story and wrote a draft article incorporating his findings. The paper also gave Webb permission to visit Central America again to get more evidence supporting the story. At the end of March, however, Ceppos told Webb that he was going to present the internal review findings in a column. But, Ceppos wrote, the series 'did not meet our standards' in four areas. Ceppos noted that Webb did not agree with these conclusions. He concluded: 'How did these shortcomings occur? I believe that we fell short at every step of our process: in the writing, editing and production of our work. Several people here share that burden But ultimately, the responsibility was, and is, mine. When Attorney General Janet Reno determined that a delay was no longer necessary, the report was released unchanged. Attorneys ' Offices. It found that 'the allegations contained in the original Mercury News articles were exaggerations of the actual facts. These factors, rather than anything as spectacular as a systematic effort by the CIA or any other intelligence agency to protect the drug trafficking activities of Contra supporters, determined what occurred in the cases we examined. The report called several of its findings 'troubling. It concluded, however, that these problems were 'a far cry from the type of broad manipulation and corruption of the federal criminal justice system suggested by the original allegations. The first one, 'The California Story', was issued in a classified version on December 17, , and in an unclassified version on January 29, According to the report, the Inspector-General's office OIG examined all information the agency had 'relating to CIA knowledge of drug trafficking allegations in regard to any person directly or indirectly involved in Contra activities. In the rd paragraph, the report described a cable from the CIA's Directorate of Operations dated October 22, , describing a prospective meeting between Contra leaders in Costa Rica for 'an exchange in \[the United States\] of narcotics for arms, which then are shipped to Nicaragua. The lieutenant trafficker was also a Contra, and the CIA knew that there was an arms-for-drugs shuttle and did nothing to stop it. And I know so because I was told by some of these pilots that in fact they had done that. Six weeks after the declassified and heavily censored first volume of the CIA report was made public, Inspector General Frederick Hitz testified before a House congressional committee. Volume II Each is closely examined in terms of their relationship with CIA, the drug trafficking activity that was alleged, the actions CIA took in response to the allegations, and the extent of information concerning the allegations that was Shared with U. As I said earlier, we have found no evidence in the course of this lengthy investigation of any conspiracy by CIA or its employees to bring drugs into the United States. These included CIA assets, pilots who ferried supplies to the Contras, as well as Contra officials and others. Let me be frank about what we are finding. There are instances where CIA did not, in an expeditious or consistent fashion, cut off relationships with individuals supporting the Contra program who were alleged to have engaged in drug trafficking activity or take action to resolve the allegations. Also revealed was a letter between the Attorney General William French Smith and the CIA that omitted narcotics violations among the list of crimes agency officers were required to report. In a follow-up letter later Smith stated 'I have been advised that a question arose regarding the need to add all narcotics violations to the list of 'non-employee' crimes Citing existing federal policy on narcotics enforcement, Smith wrote: 'In light of these provisions and in view of the fine cooperation the Drug Enforcement Administration has received from CIA, no formal requirement regarding the reporting of narcotics violations has been included in these procedures. This agreement, which had not previously been revealed, came at a time when there were allegations that the CIA was using drug dealers in its controversial covert operation to bring down the leftist Sandinista government in Nicaragua. The House Intelligence Committee issued its report in February This support 'was not directed by anyone within the Contra movement who had an association with the CIA,' and the Committee found 'no evidence that the CIA or the Intelligence Community was aware of these individuals' support. Contents move to sidebar hide. Article Talk. Read Edit View history. Tools Tools. Download as PDF Printable version. In other projects. Alleged CIA support for cocaine smuggling and other related crimes. Early reports of Contra cocaine trafficking \[ edit \]. FBI probe \[ edit \]. Kerry Committee investigation \[ edit \]. Main article: Kerry Committee report. Dark Alliance series \[ edit \]. Response \[ edit \]. Coverage in other papers \[ edit \]. Mercury News response \[ edit \]. End of the series \[ edit \]. Investigation after Dark Alliance \[ edit \]. Justice Department report \[ edit \]. CIA report \[ edit \]. House committee report \[ edit \]. See also \[ edit \]. Notes \[ edit \]. Drugs, law enforcement, and foreign policy : A report. The New York Times. Retrieved August 6, Los Angeles Times. Los Angeles , California, US. Archived from the original on January 29, Retrieved April 3, Retrieved February 4, Associated Press. Retrieved May 12, University of California Press. ISBN The Politics of Cocaine: How U. Chicago Review Press. April 17, Retrieved June 11, San Jose Mercury News. Archived from the original on December 20, December 20, Retrieved February 8, Retrieved February 5, Retrieved January 27, December 10, Archived from the original on April 9, Retrieved February 11, The Washington Post. Retrieved January 29, Retrieved January 30, Dark Alliance: library. Retrieved February 15, October 24, Archived from the original on March 30, November 5, Baltimore Sun. Retrieved February 16, February American Journalism Review. Archived from the original on November 19, Archived from the original on July 7, Retrieved July 5, Retrieved February 9, Retrieved January 13, Chapter X. Hitz March 16, Federal News Service. Retrieved April 22, References \[ edit \]. External links \[ edit \]. Americas Russia and Europe Africa Asia. Alleged drug trafficking Involvement in Contra cocaine trafficking Arms control, WMD, and proliferation Black sites Controversies Counterterrorism Crime and illicit drug trade Health and economy Human rights violations Influence on public opinion. William J. Schlesinger William Colby George H. Bush Stansfield Turner William J. Casey William H. Webster Robert Gates R. James Woolsey Jr. John M. Official reports by the U. 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Illegal drug trade in El Salvador has included, according to some sources, trans-shipping of cocaine by the Nicaraguan Contras.
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The story of Ilopango air base in San Salvador has become a favorite anecdote among those backing the claim that the CIA protected Contras neck-deep in the drug.
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