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Spanish minister accuses judges of ‘machismo’ in applying sex crimes law
A woman holds a banner saying ‘get vaccinated against machismo’ in a demonstration in Madrid in March 2021. Photograph: Manu Fernández/AP
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Opposition party calls for Irene Montero to resign after she accuses judiciary of not upholding ‘yes means yes’ law
Spain’s magistrate associations and main opposition party have called for the equality minister to resign after she accused judges of “machismo” for reducing prison sentences under a new law meant to toughen penalties for sex crimes.
The legislation, popularly known as the “only yes means yes” law , made sexual consent, or a lack of it, a key determinant in assault cases and revised the range of potential minimum and maximum prison terms, inadvertently making it possible for some convicted individuals to have their sentences reduced on appeal.
The law came into force last month and now one of the equality minister Irene Montero’s signature projects is threatening to prove politically damaging.
Revelations this week of the reduced sentences in at least 15 cases outraged Montero and supporters of the law, who argued that Spain’s judges needed more training to overcome ingrained gender biases. She accused some judges of not obeying the law, adding that the UN had said systemic sexism could lead jurists to misinterpret laws.
“The problem is we have judges who are not upholding the law,” she said, arguing that sexist stereotypes blind some judges against seeing gender violence for the crime it is. Judges who reduced sex crime sentences argue they were required to rule in the favour of defendants if the laws under which they were originally convicted had the potential penalties changed.
In one case, a Madrid court recently lowered the sentence of a man convicted of sexually abusing his 13-year-old stepdaughter from eight to six years. In another, a court in southern Granada took two years off a 13-year sentence given to a man who threatened his ex-wife with a knife and raped her.
Opposition parties and magistrate groups were infuriated by Montero’s remarks and blame the leftwing government for passing a poorly drafted law. Two magistrate groups and the conservative Popular party called for Montero to step down.
Ángeles Carmona, a member of Spain’s general council of the judiciary and president of the government agency dealing with gender and domestic violence, said more than half of Spain’s judges were women and that all were required to undergo special training in gender violence.
Carmona said her agency had warned lawmakers of flaws in the writing of the sexual consent legislation and that Montero’s criticism of judges risked undermining women’s trust in the justice system.
“We had already issued a warning in our report that what is happening could take place,” said Carmona. “[But] the justice system is not sexist; it is not part of the patriarchy. The judges are applying the law in impeccable fashion.”
The prime minister, Pedro Sánchez, appealed for calm and urged the judiciary to reach a consensus on how such case appeals are handled.
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The gender violence legislation was drawn up in response to the furore sparked by a gang-rape case during the 2016 San Fermin bull-running festival in Pamplona.
Initially, the five people charged were found guilty of sexual abuse but not rape, as the victim was deemed not to have objected to the assault. The sentences prompted widespread protests. Spain’s supreme court later overruled lower courts and sentenced the five to 15 years in prison for rape. A lawyer for one of the five now says he plans to seek a reduction in his client’s sentence.
Montero is a member of the far-left Unidas Podemos (United We Can), which is in a coalition government with Sánchez’s Socialists. The coalition is struggling to remain united until Spain’s general election next year.
Some fellow government officials have recommended revising the sexual consent law, an idea Montero opposes.


AG Frosh wants report on abuse in the archdiocese







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November 17, 2022 / 11:20 PM
/ CBS Baltimore

BALTIMORE -- The Archdiocese of Baltimore covered up decades of child sexual abuse perpetrated by Catholic priests, the Maryland Attorney General's Office alleged in a court filing Thursday. 
The state's top prosecutor filed a motion seeking approval from the Circuit Court of Baltimore City to release its 463-page report on abuse in the diocese to the public.
The report allegedly identifies 158 priests and over 600 victims in the diocese since 1940. 
"For decades, survivors reported sexual abuse perpetrated by Catholic priests and for decades the Church covered up the abuse rather than holding the abusers accountable and protecting its congregations," Attorney General Brian Frosh said in a statement. "The Archdiocese of Baltimore was no exception."
The Attorney General's Office said the report summarizes the sexual abuse and physical torture perpetrated by all 158 of the identified priests who allegedly carried out sexual abuse on both boys and girls ranging in age from preschool to young adulthood. 
"The investigation also revealed the Archdiocese failed to report many allegations, conduct adequate investigations, remove abusers, or restrict their access to children," the motion states. "Instead it went to great lengths to keep the abuse secret. While the archdiocese reported a large number of allegations to police, especially in later years, for decades it worked to ensure that the perpetrators would not face justice."
The Archdiocese of Baltimore did not immediately respond to a request for comment. 
This is a developing story and will be updated. 
The CBS Baltimore Staff is a group of experienced journalists who bring you the content on CBSBaltimore.com.

First published on November 17, 2022 / 1:51 PM


© 2022 CBS Broadcasting Inc. All Rights Reserved.

©2022 CBS Broadcasting Inc. All Rights Reserved.

The Washington Post Democracy Dies in Darkness
No big shift for GOP on same-sex marriage, despite impact of Roe on 2022
Updated November 17, 2022 at 11:04 a.m. EST | Published November 17, 2022 at 10:51 a.m. EST
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Republicans suffered a disappointing 2022 election. And that was in no small part thanks to the Supreme Court’s overturning a personal right it had once granted — the right to an abortion — a decision that cast a spotlight on many Republicans’ unpopular views on the subject .
But the GOP has showed no signs of making a large-scale shift.
Republicans on Wednesday did provide enough votes to advance the Respect for Marriage Act , which would ensure federal and state recognition of legal same-sex marriages. Twelve GOP senators helped the bill clear the 60-vote threshold by two votes. That follows on the 47 House Republicans who voted for the measure this summer. Once the Senate officially passes the bill, its slightly different version will go back to the House before President Biden signs it.
That the GOP helped pass the bill could insulate the party from criticism that it stands in the way of a policy supported by 7 in 10 Americans . And it takes off the table some of the most troubling political possibilities were the court also to overturn the right to same-sex marriage, as Democrats have warned it might. (The bill is essentially intended to guard against that possibility; the court already legalized same-sex marriage nationwide.)
But this bill was more modest than many people realize. And the percentage of GOP senators who voted against it — around three-quarters — was similar to the proportion of House Republicans who did so four months ago. Even this summer, No. 2 Senate GOP leader John Thune (R-S.D.) indicated that there were probably were enough votes to pass it in the Senate. And the bill was delayed till after the election in hopes it could garner more GOP support. But the events of the intervening months apparently didn’t sway enough Republicans to get it very far past 60 votes. Time — and an election — did not expand GOP support in the Senate.
The pull of the base still won the day for the vast majority in the party, as it almost always does.
While the bill has often been characterized as codifying same-sex marriage into law, it actually doesn’t go as far as the court’s 2015 decision in Obergefell v. Hodges . While that decision forced states to issue same-sex marriage certificates, this bill only requires the federal government and states to recognize legal same-sex marriages. Were Obergefell to be overturned, a state could still ban same-sex marriage, but it would have to recognize marriages from other states, as would the federal government. (The bill provides similar protections for interracial marriage.)
Some same-sex marriage proponents argued that this was insufficient and wouldn’t go far enough to truly protect LGBTQ rights. But the bill was aimed at passing constitutional muster and surviving potential court challenges, given that the Supreme Court has repeatedly ruled that the federal government can’t “commandeer” states to pass laws like ones recognizing same-sex marriage.
So, basically, lawmakers weren’t even voting to compel every state to legalize same-sex marriage. They were merely asked to codify state and federal recognition of a right that the Supreme Court has ruled already exists.
Republicans had walked a fine line on this issue; many of them did not emphasize their actual positions on same-sex marriage. Some argued that the bill contained insufficient religious-liberty protections , although an agreement was recently reached to expand them . Largely, their main line of argument was that the bill was unnecessary, because it was implausible that the Supreme Court would do with same-sex marriage what it did with abortion rights.
Justice Samuel A. Alito Jr. in his opinion in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization and Justice Brett M. Kavanaugh in his concurrence took great care to say that the decision’s reasoning did not endanger the court’s previous rulings legalizing contraception, interracial marriage and same-sex marriage. (Justice Clarence Thomas, however, undercut that by saying the contraception and same-sex marriage decisions should, indeed, be revisited ).
This allowed Republicans to some degree to punt on the substance of the Respect for Marriage Act — and instead to say they were voting against it on technical grounds, just as many of them emphasized they voted against convicting Trump in his second impeachment trial on a technicality .
But for a party that has for decades derided “activist judges” and “legislating from the bench,” this was an opportunity to put Congress’s stamp of approval on this right. And while it may, indeed, be unlikely that the court will ever overturn same-sex marriage, the idea is hardly ridiculous, given what transpired this summer with a decades-older right with more precedent behind it.
Nor is there any real question about where public perception lands on same-sex marriage; consensus on this issue has built faster than arguably on any other major issue over the past quarter-century, with no signs that it will stop building.
The GOP’s approach has long been to just stop talking about it, and they got an assist in 2015 when the Supreme Court effectively took the issue off the table. The thinking now is apparently that they gave the Respect for Marriage Act enough votes to ensure the issue will soon leave the spotlight without requiring them to fully embrace same-sex marriage — and that might ultimately be a safe political play.
But the vast majority of Republicans in Congress did just cast a vote at odds with the American public. Not only do 7 in 10 Americans support same-sex marriage, but past polling suggests that support for the substance of the Respect for Marriage Act might even be slightly higher. A Quinnipiac University poll shortly after the 2015 Obergefell decision showed that, at the time, Americans opposed allowing states to prohibit same-sex marriage by 13 points. Yet they supported requiring states to recognize legal same-sex marriages from other states by an even larger margin: 21 points.
What’s more, however much Republicans offer assurances that the Respect for Marriage Act was unnecessary, polls conducted in the immediate aftermath of the court’s overturning Roe v. Wade suggested they were out of step with the public on this: Majorities were indeed concerned that same-sex marriage would be next, or felt that it was likely that would happen — 56 percent in each case .
This was an opportunity to put those concerns to rest and align with a strong majority of the public. But even those who suggested they might get to “yes” or that they supported the right to same-sex marriage — like Sens. Ron Johnson (R-Wis.) and Tommy Tuberville (R-Ala.) , respectively — were not moved to vote that way, even after the events of the 2022 election. The bill was passed in large part thanks to moderates and retiring senators, who delivered a majority of the 12 Republican “yes” votes.

It's Been 4 Years of BDE, and We Still Don't Know What Big D*ck Energy Truly Is



November 18, 2022



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Four years ago, in 2018, it was a different time. We were knee-deep into Trump's presidency, most of us didn't know the difference between an epidemic and a pandemic, and, more importantly, I was new to New York City. Making friends as an adult is hard, and is uniquely challenging when living in a major city. So when I was invited to a dinner party, I was eager to impress. The wine was passed around and, after the table gave compliments to our host on his fabulous cooking skills, someone asked, "Have you guys heard of BDE?"
Trying ever so hard to be sophisticated, I nodded, hoping someone would break down the acronym for me. My context clues were: Pete Davidson. Eventually, I broke, "What the hell is BDE?" I asked, face red with shame. "Well, that's the question, isn't it?" someone giggled. "What really is big d*ck Energy?"
Big d*ck energy, more commonly referred to as BDE, was coined on Twitter (duh) to describe the late Anthony Bourdain's cool-guy appeal. A couple weeks later, its legacy was cemented when Allison P. Davis, writing for The Cut , posited that Pete Davidson has BDE. And while Davidson's actual member has been a topic of discussion in the news before , it's important to emphasize that BDE is not meant to be taken literally. In other words, the person with BDE doesn't need large male genitalia. BDE is more about the E (energy) than the BD — it's meant to refer to the implied confidence that might come from having a big d*ck, regardless of if you actually have one. BDE is the equivalent of a sexy smirk. It's unassuming, yet intriguing.
That friend's dinner party was the first time I had heard the term, and it was probably the first time I had thought about Pete Davidson. "BDE has since sparked an all-consuming cultural urge to determine who possesses it and who is lacking — as well as the urge to define it, which raises some trickier questions," Vox wrote in their 2018 coverage of the phenomena that took over the internet.
Since then, Davidson has become the face (or, the dick?) most associated with the phrase, mainly because he has an impressive dating roster — most recently, he's been spotted with Emily Ratajkowski — who are more than happy to give positive character references long past the end of their relationship.
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I couldn't help but wonder: does Davidson have big d*ck energy, or is he just acting how he should in a relationship? As one Twitter user writes, "I find it funny when people act shocked that Pete Davidson dates beautiful women. Women have been telling men for decades that we want kind men who can make us laugh, and Pete, by all accounts, is a sweetheart who treats women amazingly well. Learn from him, maybe?"
As part of my deep dive in the BDE, I sent the question, "What is BDE?" into a group chat that includes many of the people who were at the original dinner party and have since become some of my closest friends (pandemic pod and all). Antara, who works in the world of food publications, immediately compared it to the "sauce man" — the kind of guy who feeds you sauce off a wooden spoon. "Like Carmy would be in the middle of the Venn diagram of sauce man and BDE," she writes, referring to the classic ' dirtbag ' that everyone fell in love with, played by Jeremy Allen White on FX's "The Bear."
So does that mean the person is likable but not a self-proclaimed " nice guy "? "I would say it's more about confidence, not necessarily being a 'good' person, " our friend Taylor responded, then clarified that their confidence isn't "loud": "there's a certain self-assurance, even if they're a shit show," she said. And then Molly came through with: "BDE is effectively the new way to say 'confidence without cockiness'."

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