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October 7, 2008 16 min read

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Christine Kim was a Policy Analyst who focused on welfare, family and marriage at The Heritage Foundation.

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The statistics on teen sexuality in the United States are troubling. About 7 percent of high school students report having had sex before the age of 13. By ninth grade, one-third of high school students have engaged in sexual activity, and by 12th grade, two-thirds. [1] Yet the majority of these teens, 60 percent overall and 67 percent among younger adolescents, regret their first experience and wish they had waited longer. [2]
Early sexual activity is associated with a host of negative outcomes that can have lasting physical, emotional, social, and economic impacts on the lives of young people, particularly teenage girls and young women.

Sexually Transmitted Diseases. The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention estimates that one in four teenage girls has at least one sexually transmitted infection (STI). [3] Teenage girls, especially, are physiologically vulnerable to these infections, [4] and early sexual activity increases the risk of infection. One study found that those who begin sexual activity at age 13 are twice as likely to become infected as peers who remain sexually abstinent throughout their teen years. [5]

Teen Pregnancy and Unwed Childbearing . The National Campaign to Prevent Teen and Unplanned Pregnancy estimates that about one in two Hispanic and black teenage girls and one in five Caucasian teenage girls will become pregnant at least once before turning 20. Overall, nearly one in five adolescent girls will give birth in her teens. [6]
Engaging in early sexual activity elevates the risk of teenage girls becoming pregnant and single mothers. Girls who become sexually active during early adolescence are three times as likely to become single mothers as those who remain abstinent throughout their teenage years. Nearly 40 percent of girls who begin sexual activity at ages 13 or 14 will give birth outside marriage, compared to 9 percent of those who remain abstinent until their early twenties. [7]

Marital Stability and Maternal Poverty. Sexual activity at an early age may also affect marital and economic stability later in life. Among women in their thirties, those who were sexually active during early adolescence are half as likely to be in stable marriages as those who waited until their early twenties to have sex. [8] Early sexual activity is also linked to maternal poverty. At the time of a large national survey in 1995, nearly 30 percent of mothers who began sexual activity at ages 13 or 14 lived in poverty compared to 12 percent of those who waited until their early twenties. [9]
Many policymakers, health professionals, and "safe sex" advocates respond to these troubling statistics by demanding more comprehensive sex education and broader access to contraceptives for minors. They assume that teens are unable to delay their sexual behavior and that a combination of information about and access to contraceptives will effectively lead to protected sex, preventing any form of harm to youngsters. Not only are these assumptions faulty, they tend to disregard important factors that have been linked to reduced teen sexual activity. A particularly noticeable omission is parental influence.
Parents, as teens themselves reveal, are the ones who have the most influence on their children's decisions about sex. Indeed, two-thirds of all teens share their parents' values on this topic.
When it comes to talking about teen sex, both teens and parents report high levels of communication. Parents, however, tend to perceive a greater level of communication than do teens. Nearly all parents (90 percent) report having had a helpful conversation about delaying sex and avoiding pregnancy with their teenage children, compared to 71 percent of teens who report having had such a conversation with their parents. [10] Many parents are also unaware of their teens' actual behavior. In a study of 700 teens in Philadelphia, 58 percent of the teens reported being sexually active, while only one-third of their mothers believed they were. [11]
The empirical evidence on the association between parental influences and adolescents' sexual behavior is strong. Parental factors that appear to offer strong protection against the onset of early sexual activity include an intact family structure; parents' disapproval of adolescent sex; teens' sense of belonging to and satisfaction with their families; parental monitoring; and, to a lesser extent, parent-child communication about teen sex and its consequences.
That parents play a role in teen sex points to at least two significant policy implications. First, programs and policies that seek to delay sexual activity or to prevent teen pregnancy or STDs should encourage and strengthen family structure and parental involvement. Doing so may increase these efforts' overall effectiveness. Conversely, programs and policies that implicitly or explicitly discourage parental involvement, such as dispensing contraceptives to adolescents without parental consent or notice, contradict the weight of social science evidence and may prove to be counterproductive and potentially harmful to teens.

A Research Note . Social scientists are primarily concerned with the question of causality. For example, does parental disapproval of teen sex independently cause teens to delay sexual activity? Causality, however, is difficult to establish in social science research. Using statistical methods and appropriate data sources, social scientists infer certain reasonable conclusions from their research. The degree of confidence with which they draw inferred conclusions depends largely on data quality, study design, and statistical method.
The research on parental influences and teen sexuality is extensive. A substantial portion of the research is based on cross-sectional data, which capture information at one point in time and provide a "snapshot" view. As such, they limit researchers' ability to draw stronger conclusions. At best, cross-sectional data offer evidence of correlations, e.g., parental disapproval of teen sex is associated with delayed sexual initiation. Longitudinal surveys, on the other hand, follow the same group of individuals over time, which allows researchers to infer stronger findings. This paper mostly highlights findings from studies that use longitudinal data, which offer more rigorous conclusions.

family Structure . A key parental influence on teen sex is family structure, for example, the number of parents living with, and their relationship to (biological, adoptive, step, or unrelated), the children in the families. The link between childhood family structure and the timing of sexual initiation has been well researched and documented. [12] Research findings from studies that use a variety of data sources and that account for other factors associated with teen sexual behavior, such as gender, race and ethnicity, age, and family background, suggest the following:
Yet, as sociologist Paul Amato notes, "[p]erhaps the most profound change in the American family over the past four decades has been the decline in the share of children growing up in households with both biological parents." [13] In 1960, 88 percent of all children lived with two parents, compared to 68 percent in 2007. [14] In 1960, 5 percent of all children born were to unmarried mothers. That figure rose to 38.5 percent in 2006. [15] Thus, policies and programs that bolster the intact family structure and promote healthy marriages may reduce teen sexual activity.

Parental Values and Disapproval of Teen Sex. Studies have demonstrated a robust correlation between parental values on teen sex and teen sexual behavior. Using longitudinal data, more recent research indicates that parental disapproval, particularly mothers' disapproval (fathers' values are less well studied), of their teens having sex appears to delay the onset of sexual activity. Importantly, the association is between teens' perceptions of their parents' disapproval, not necessarily parents' actual views, and delayed initiation. This does not mean that parental values are unimportant. In fact, research shows that, overall, parents' beliefs about teen sex are a significant predictor of teens' perceptions. (Another predictor appears to be strong parent-child relationships during early adolescence.) [16]
Perceived parental disapproval of teen sex may also reduce the risk of teen pregnancy. [17] The evidence suggests that adolescent girls tend to benefit more from this protective influence than do boys.
As noted earlier, parents and teens differ in their perceptions of the level of communication about teen sex issues and actual behavior that takes place. Thus, to ensure that teens perceive their parents' disapproval of teen sex accurately, parents should unequivocally convey their values to their teens. Mixed messages could potentially diminish any positive effects parental values have on delaying teen sexual behavior. In a national poll, teens were asked: "Suppose a parent or other adult tells you/a teen the following: ‘Don't have sex, but if you do you should use birth control for protection.' Do you think this is a message that encourages you/teens to have sex?" [23] One teen in two responded affirmatively, indicating that, to many teens, a qualified "no" translates into a perceived "yes."

Parent-Child Relationships. A third robust protective parental element is strong parent-child relationships. [24] Parent-child relationship quality or connectedness is often measured by the level of satisfaction teens and their parents experience in their relationships with one another; the amount of warmth, love, affection, and communication teens report receiving from their parents; and the level of parental involvement in their children's lives. In a thorough review of the research on family relationships and teen pregnancy risk published before 2000, Dr. Brent Miller and colleagues write:
There is marked consistency in this body of more than 20 studies…all but a few indicate that parent/child closeness is associated with reduced adolescent pregnancy risk through teens remaining sexually abstinent, postponing intercourse, having fewer sexual partners, or using contraception more consistently. [25]
Four recent longitudinal studies, analyzing the same nationally representative survey of students in grades seven through 11 across the nation, report the following:

Parental Monitoring and Parenting Practices. Most research on parental monitoring—for example, the extent to which parents know the whereabouts and activities of their children outside home and school—parental supervision, and parental rules shows a positive correlation between these factors and reduced teen sexual activity. [30] For studies that do not demonstrate such a relationship, Dr. Miller posits that "excessive or coercive" parental control might actually lead to negative outcomes. [31] The following findings come from several recent longitudinal studies:

Parent-Child Communication . The evidence on parent-child communication, particularly communication about sex and birth control, is more mixed. [36] Reviewing 30 studies published before 2000, Dr. Brent Miller and colleagues summarize the research as follows:
Results across these studies are complex and discrepant. Perhaps the clearest conclusion that can be drawn from these studies is that there is no simple direct effect. That is, parent-teen communication about sexual issues has no uniform or consistent effect on adolescent pregnancy risk that holds across gender, race, source of data (parent or child report), and especially across parental attitudes and values. [37]
While some studies have reported an inverse correlation between communication and teen sexual activity—more communication, less teen sexual activity—others have reported a positive association—more communication, more teen sexual activity. Neither relationship should be interpreted as causal, for example, communication causes teens to engage in sexual activity. Still other studies have reported no significant correlations. The following studies present some of the mixed results:

Summary. Clearly, the research on parental influences and teen sexual behavior is rich and nuanced. A few broad trends emerge:
From a parent's perspective, the implications are clear: Parents can, in fact, influence their children's sexual behavior and offer protection against the negative consequences of early sexual activity. The two strongest links appear to be parental values regarding teen sex and parents' relationships with their children. Consequently, parents should:
From a policy perspective, the implications are clear as well: Parents can influence teen sexual behavior and related outcomes. Policymakers should:
Nationally, a non-trivial portion of teens engage in sexual activity before the age of 13. By ninth grade, one teen in three has had sex, and by 12th grade, two in three. Early sexual activity is associated with a host of enduring negative consequences that include increased risks of psychological and physical harm, teen pregnancy and unwed childbearing, poverty, and marital instability later in life.
Social science research over the decades suggests that parents can play a protective role in delaying early teen sexual activity and reducing the risk of harmful consequences. Importantly, the empirical evidence indicates that childhood family structure, teens' perceptions of parental disapproval of teen sex, and the quality of the parent-child relationship appear to affect teen sexual behavior. The evidence on parental monitoring and parent-child communication, in general and specifically about sex-related topics, appears more mixed.
Consequently, programs and policies focused on reducing teen sexual activity and the damaging results should encourage parents' presence and involvement in the lives of their children. Policies that discourage parental involvement, such as dispensing contraceptives to teens without parental consent, contradict the weight of social science evidence and should be opposed.

Christine C. Kim is Policy Analyst in the Domestic Policy Studies Department at The Heritage Foundation.

[1] Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, "Youth Risk Behavior Surveillance—United States, 2007," Surveillance Summaries , Vol. 58, No. SS-4 (June 6, 2008), Table 61, at http://www.cdc.gov/HealthyYouth/
yrbs/pdf/yrbss07_mmwr.pdf (September 2, 2008).
[2] Bill Albert, "With Once Voice 2007: America's Adults and Teens Sound Off About Teen Pregnancy," The National Campaign to Prevent Teen Pregnancy, February 2007, at http://www.thenationalcampaign.org/
resources/pdf/pubs/WOV2007_fulltext.pdf (September 1, 2008).
[3] Press release, "Prevalence of Sexually Transmitted Infections and Bacterial Vaginosis Among Female Adolescents in the United States: Data from the National Health and Nutritional Examination Survey (NHANES) 2003–2004," Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, March 11, 2008, at http://www.cdc.gov/stdconference/2008/
media/summaries-11march2008.htm#tues1 (September 1, 2008). Comparable estimates for teenage boys are not available.
[4] Willard Cates, "Reproductive Tract Infections," in Robert A. Hatch et al. , eds., Contraceptive Technology (New York: Ardent Media, 2004).
[5] Robert E. Rector, Kirk A. Johnson, Lauren R. Noyes, and Shannan Martin, "The Harmful Effects of Early Sexual Activity and Multiple Sexual Partners Among Women: A Book of Charts," The Heritage Foundation, June 23, 2003.
[6] The National Campaign to Prevent Teen and Unplanned Pregnancy, "Policy Brief: Racial and Ethnic Disparities in Teen Pregnancy," July 2008, at http://www.thenationalcampaign.org/policymakers/
PDF/Briefly_PolicyBrief_RacialEthnicDisparities.pdf (September 2, 2008).
[7] Rector et al ., "The Harmful Effects of Early Sexual Activity."
[11] James Jaccard, Patricia J. Dittus, and Vivian V. Gordon, "Parent-Adolescent Congruency in Reports of Adolescent Sexual Behavior and in Communications About Sexual Behavior," Child Development , Vol. 69, No. 1 (February 1998), pp. 247–261.
[12] For a comprehensive review of the academic literature, see Samuel W. Sturgeon, "The Relationship Between Family Structure and Adolescent Sexual Activity," Heritage Foundation FamilyFacts.org Special Report No.1, forthcoming. The report summarizes findings from over one hundred empirical studies, nearly all of which appeared in peer-reviewed academic publications. This section summarizes research findings from the forthcoming report.
[13] Paul R. Amato, "The Impact of Family Formation Change on the Cognitive, Social, and Emotional Well-Being of the Next Generation," The Future of Children , Vol. 15, No. 2 (Fall 2005), p. 76.
[14] U.S. Census Bureau, Historical Time Series, Living Arrangements of Children, Table CH-1, at http://www.census.gov/population/socdemo/hh-fam/ch1.xls (September 2, 2008).
[15] S. J. Ventura and C. A. Bachrach, "Nonmarital Childbearing in the United States, 1940–99," National Vital Statistics Report , Vol. 48, No. 16 (2000), Table 1; E. H. Brady, J. A. Martin, and S. J. Ventura, "Births: Preliminary Data for 2006," National Vital Statistics Reports , Vol. 56, No. 7 (2007), Table 1.
[16] Renee E. Sieving, Clea S. McNeely, and Robert Wm. Blum, "Maternal Expectations, Mother-Child Connectedness, and Adolescent Sexual Debut," Archives of Pediatrics and Adolescent Medicine , Vol. 154 (August 2000), pp. 809–815.
[17] Melina Bersamin, Michael Todd, Deborah A. Fisher et al. , "Parenting Practices and Adolescent Sexual Behavior: A Longitudinal Study," Journal of Marriage and Family , Vol. 70 (February 2008), pp. 97–112; Erin Calhoun Davis and Lisa V. Friel, "Adolescent Sexuality: Disentangling the Effects of Family Structure and Family Context," Journal of Marriage and Family , Vol. 63 (August 2001), pp. 669–681; Patricia J. Dittus and James Jaccard, "Adolescents' Perceptions of Maternal Disapproval of Sex: Relationship to Sexual Outcomes," Journal of Adolescent Health , Vol. 26 (2000), pp. 268–278; Laura Fingerson, "Do Mothers' Opinions Matter in Teens' Sexual Activity
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