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File picture. Irish people are more likely to think it is easy to get their hands on heroin or cocaine than residents of any other country in the EU. A Europe-wide survey also reveals that Irish people are the least likely to believe that an outright ban on the substances should continue and the most likely to say they should be regulated instead. What's your view on this issue? You can tell us here. We thought there might be a bit of a slowdown on cocaine during the Covid lockdown, because of its recreational and social nature as a drug, but it would appear to be clear that it has gotten worse. There is a huge difference between regulation and decriminalisation, and the one thing we know for sure is that 40 years of attempting to control drug supply and drug use in Ireland through the current criminal justice regime obviously hasn't worked, by virtue of the situation we're in today. Read More Use of ecstasy and cocaine drops during pandemic. Sign up to to get the latest news direct to your inbox daily at 1pm. Puzzles hub. From florist to fraudster, leaving a trail of destruction from North Cork, to Waterford, to Clare, to Wexford and through the midlands More in this section. Brendan O'Connor sues Mediahuis over data breach. New appeal over disappearance of Mayo woman last seen in Subscribe Now. Lunchtime News Wrap. Sign Up. Puzzles hub Play. An investigative podcast series and story by Irish Examiner journalist Ann Murphy. Fergus Finlay. Most Read. Off the hook: a new generation goes braless. Wedding of the Week: The priest put in the wrong Eircode and ended up near Dingle. Family Notices Book Notice.
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How ‘The Russians’ Took Hold of Ireland’s Heroin Trade
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The raids unearthed a treasure trove of guns and jewellery, as well as thousands of pounds and euros in vacuum-packed bundles, hidden underground. The racket — believed to have been carried out by more than one Lithuanian gang, although the Russians were the biggest players — contributed to a rise in heroin injecting and heroin deaths in the Republic of Ireland and Northern Ireland from the mid onwards. It also made life a misery for at least 65 and possibly hundreds of victims of this unique form of modern drug slavery. Meanwhile, those running the gang cleaned their drug profits by investing in property back home in Lithuania. Do you have a story to share? We'd love to hear from you. Through that scheme, they were deported, forced to distribute drugs on the streets of Ireland and Northern Ireland, and some were abused. One victim in Belfast was seen having their stomach cut open as punishment for eating without permission. Crimes such as these were often not investigated because runners were too afraid to go to the police. I saw people dying. I realised that there were horrible things happening. I am not that kind of person. It was an opportunity to leave a life of poverty and problems with addiction behind. His mysterious new employers were very accommodating, hiring a private minibus to take him and others, via ferries, from Lithuania to Dublin. Someone else would fill out all the relevant work-related forms, ensuring that everything was legitimate. We were all afraid. After a brief rest in a nearby house, Robertas hopped on a commercial bus in possession of contact details for his new manager, who would help him get set up. But something had seemed off back at the Dublin address. His new employers avoided telling him what exactly the new job entailed. Then they took his passport. Robertas met his new boss at a bus station in Cork. After introducing himself to Robertas, the man turned around and started distributing small plastic wraps to a group of intimidating-looking Irish people who were gathered in the street nearby. Robertas quickly realised it was heroin being sold to drug users. His new job was to sell heroin on the streets of Cork. Later, he met other victims who had been subject to extreme violence, and heard stories of people trafficked by the gang who had simply vanished without a trace. Why was Ireland chosen by the gang? It was partly by chance. Like thousands of other Lithuanians, witness testimonies show that in the mids, Klemauskas moved to Ireland. Once he was there, he started a shoplifting racket and dealt in stolen goods. Afterwards he moved to selling drugs, presumably because profit margins for drug dealing were, and still are, very high in Ireland. Data released in by the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime found that the street price of heroin in Ireland is the second highest in Europe. Victims were forced to sell heroin in almost every major city on the island of Ireland, with substantial operations in Dublin, Cork, Belfast, Waterford, and Tralee, county Kerry. Using several members stationed in Lithuania who acted as recruiters, the gang primarily preyed on the vulnerable: alcoholics, addicted drug users, and prison leavers. Some victims, like Robertas, report being approached with word-of-mouth offers of employment abroad. Others responded to advertisements placed in Lithuanian broadsheet newspapers, as well as online platforms. In Cork, as in other cities, the gang ran phone lines for prospective customers, developing a reputation for arranging drug deals within 10 minutes, a lot quicker than rival dealers. Robertas was paid a pittance and stayed in squalid accommodation in Cork City centre. His supervisor, who managed several other trafficked Lithuanian men, gave him strict instructions. Throughout the day, someone would call Robertas with directions for where to meet customers. Street dealers were easily replaced if arrested, deported, or killed. As soon as police took one Lithuanian dealer off the streets, another would replace them. The gang simply relocated runners identified by police, creating a conveyor belt of vulnerable, trafficked people moving around the island of Ireland. This posed considerable difficulties for police. The threat of violence was ever present. Supervisors often broke limbs for insubordination or the mishandling of drugs. On one occasion, Robertas was stabbed by heroin users as he stood selling drugs in the street. I looked around and they had all left, so I headed for the hospital. Robertas needed surgery because of an injury he received trying to stop the knife attack, but the supervisor brought him to another city, where he would sell more heroin, alongside other victims. Soon, they engaged in tit-for-tat drive-by shootings with a group of local paramilitaries who were unhappy about their activities. Eventually, the shootings ceased, and the gang continued to sell heroin in South Belfast, especially around the Holylands area. The Russians reportedly encouraged confusion about their origins, telling victims to claim they were Russian if picked up by authorities. It's also important to acknowledge that the Russians could not have operated without the assistance of Irish criminals, most notably in their sourcing of heroin. They became a convenient group for the authorities, paramilitaries and politicians to blame for any crimes deemed to be connected to drugs or violence. They were the first crime group to sell heroin on a large scale in Northern Ireland, where organised drug dealing is a relatively recent phenomenon. Heavy policing, border security, and the targeting of users by paramilitary groups during the Troubles - an extremely violent sectarian conflict that took place in Northern Ireland and Ireland over the course of about four decades - largely kept a lid on the trade. Peace, in the form of the Good Friday Agreement, mostly ended the fighting, but it also freed up the drug trade. They thought that for a bag of drugs, heroin users could be coerced into revealing Republican activity by both British armed forces and Loyalist paramilitaries — both of which sought to secure the continued existence of Northern Ireland by violent means, often colluding with each other. Post-Good Friday, many paramilitary groups, especially Loyalist ones, stepped up their involvement in dealing, both selling drugs themselves and receiving payments from criminal gangs who wanted to operate in various parts of Northern Ireland. A report from the Irish News , a Belfast newspaper, suggested that a Lithuanian gang was involved in supplying weapons to the criminals who killed the former Republican activist. In , the Irish government began extradition proceedings against him, but high court records indicate that the hearing never went ahead. His imprisonment made little difference: By , the Belfast Telegraph reported how the Russians openly sold heroin outside Royal Victoria and Belfast City hospitals. After his release from prison sometime in , Vengalis appears to have spent some of his time travelling around Ireland, moving between cities where the Russians operated. He was also disqualified from driving for four years for driving without insurance or a licence that same month, ultimately receiving another suspended sentence of three months. Arrested during the raids, Vengalis now awaits an extradition hearing. Lukas, also speaking on condition of anonymity and whose name has been changed because of safety concerns, said he was enslaved by Vengalis and others, including a number of Irish people who did business with the Russians. Like Robertas, he was living in poverty in Lithuania and offered work abroad. When he arrived in Dublin, the gang took his documents and shipped him to a different city, where he sold heroin on the streets under duress. Upon arrival in Belfast, Lukas was brought to a large house with at least three floors. Tired from travelling, he ate and retired to his room, where he went to sleep. Soon he woke up to the sounds of a man screaming in agony in another room, begging for his life, as other men beat him to near death with what sounded like blunt instruments. I can't remember all the small details now, but I was told that I was indebted for the trip from Lithuania, and until I repaid the debt, I would have to live here and pay off my debt by selling their product. They wanted to know if anyone would come looking if he went missing. Anyone who disobeyed was simply killed. Like Robertas, he waited for phone calls telling him where to meet customers. He sold to random people on the street, too. If I talked back, I was beaten. It really got scary for me because I realised that if I disobeyed, they would kill me. That's how I became a slave in Northern Ireland. He says he was blindfolded each morning and driven to various locations across Belfast, with instructions to sell heroin from around 10AM until 10PM. When the workday ended, someone picked him up, blindfolded him again, and brought him back to the large house. Higher-up members of the gang then paid him in heroin, locking him in his room until the next day, when it was time to sell drugs again. According to one source, a chemist cut the drugs before they were sent across the country. Narkus, caught on a bus in Tralee, in the south of Ireland, with wraps of heroin inside a black sock, was sentenced to four years prison for his role of distributing heroin across Ireland for the gang. On other occasions, trafficking victims held drugs while riding public, cross-country coaches. When bringing their product to Belfast, the gang often travelled the Dublin-Drogheda-Dundalk-Belfast corridor, a well-known route for smuggling drugs into Northern Ireland from the Republic of Ireland. Cash from selling heroin was shipped back to Lithuania by couriers or concealed in packages. The gang subsequently laundered their proceeds through Lithuanian businesses, or just physically hid cash. Scores of cases involving Lithuanian men selling heroin have been before Irish courts since the Russians showed up. Many claimed to have been victims of human trafficking. Toward the end of , the Russians were referred to Eurojust, the European Union Agency for Criminal Justice Cooperation, which assists police forces from different countries in conducting multi-jurisdictional operations. The three police forces held six meetings facilitated by Eurojust. The Russians responded with a campaign of intimidation against authorities attempting to rein in their activities. Authorities are said to believe the officer was followed as he left Blanchardstown Garda station in West Dublin. In August , police were ready to move. I hope people are reassured by this robust and coordinated approach, which sends a loud and clear message to those involved in the supply of Class A drugs: We will pursue you tirelessly and relentlessly. Of the eight suspected ringleaders arrested, one was Klemauskas, the alleged kingpin. He owns at least two companies in his home country, one of which, UAB Skrajeta, exists only on paper. Additional apartments and newly built houses purchased by other affiliates of the gang indicate that it had amassed a fortune worth millions of euros before being apprehended. Klemauskas was well known to both Irish and Lithuanian authorities prior to the August raids on the gang. The Irish government later, for unknown reasons, dropped the charges, and he walked free. Kaunas believes the arson attack was likely sparked by the public tenders the Russians failed to win. If convicted of the offence of destruction of property in a dangerous manner, Klemauskas faces up to five years in prison, in addition to any sentence he may receive related to drug dealing or human trafficking. Pagojus, 39, stood accused of collecting and storing money gained from the sale of illegal drugs. Another alleged supervisor, Aurimas Mecius, based in the southern Irish port city of Waterford, who is accused of violently controlling seven street dealers, was reported to have been hospitalised because he ingested the same substance on the same occasion. Donatas Ravickas, who allegedly controlled at least 15 dealers in Cork and Belfast , is on remand as he awaits an extradition hearing. Rokas Venckus, who allegedly supervised five heroin dealers in Tralee, county Kerry, and Belfast, has consented to surrendering himself to Lithuania to face trial, but the Irish government wishes to delay the process so he can serve a sentence related to heroin possession. It is claimed Venckus took part in a credit card scam in Northern Ireland in Reports indicate that he was previously convicted by a UK court of assault and burglary, serving a stint in prison afterwards. Other than Venckus, alleged members of the Russians facing charges in Ireland argue that they should not face extradition because prison conditions in Lithuania are inhumane. Whether they face trial in Lithuania will likely depend on a precedent set by another case before the Irish High Court, involving Irish man Liam Campbell, whom authorities have accused of travelling to Lithuania to smuggle weapons for the Real IRA sometime between and Campbell is currently challenging a ruling by the High Court that he faces trial in Lithuania. If convicted, he could be imprisoned for up to 20 years. Lithuanian authorities are seeking him in relation to charges of human trafficking, criminal association, unlawful possession of narcotic or psychotropic substances for the purposes of distribution, and laundering criminal property. He faces a maximum sentence of life imprisonment. In his arrest warrant, Vengalis is referenced as being directly responsible for sourcing vulnerable people for the purposes of trafficking into the UK and Ireland. His extradition hearing is due in May. Extradition notwithstanding, prosecuting alleged traffickers is a lengthy and challenging process. In Lithuania, victims are sometimes reluctant to cooperate with authorities because they are offered very few protections. Victims can be found by their traffickers, who are often embedded in the same communities. People have been asking why this trafficking ring was able to run for well over a decade without being stopped. Just two people have been convicted of human trafficking in Ireland despite evidence that the country is being targeted by trafficking gangs from Eastern Europe and Vietnam. Meanwhile, Northern Ireland is also fertile ground for gangs involved in trafficking. In , 39 people died in the back of a lorry in Essex as they were driven along a smuggling route linked to Northern Ireland. The U. The country has historically relied on its police force to identify victims. The reports also call on Ireland to increase efforts to protect all victims, especially of labour trafficking and forced criminality, plus a specific legal provision on the non-punishment of victims of trafficking. Robertas and Lukas ultimately escaped by engaging with authorities, anti-trafficking groups and the Lithuanian embassy in Ireland. But other vulnerable people are still being preyed upon by trafficking gangs. Advertisements exactly like the ones the gang placed in newspapers are still commonplace in Lithuania. Many are presumed dead. At the time of writing, the alleged ringleaders of the Russians are still awaiting a trial date. If you have been affected by the issues raised in this article, there are organisations that can help you. Sign In Create Account. March 30, , pm. Gintas Vengalis, a supervisor for the gang's Belfast operation. World News. Robin Eveleigh. Andy Jones. Paulie Doyle. Stephen Donnan-Dalzell. Max Daly. Gavin Haynes. Alastair McCready, Koh Ewe. Your Email:.
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