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Recent court cases held in the United States have revealed the symbiotic relationship between state actors, business elites and drug trafficking organisations in contemporary Honduras, uncovering the blurred boundaries between the licit and illicit, the upper and underworld in the country. In doing so, this article takes forward the state-crime nexus literature. Looking at the unique relationship between Honduras and the United States, I argue that the concept is useful to understand the role of the United States as a transnational actor of power within the Honduran state-crime nexus. During the last two decades, Honduras has emerged as a cocaine corridor in the Americas. Positioned between cocaine producer countries in South America and one of the main cocaine destination countries, the United States hereafter US , Honduras has been a transit hub for the commodity and its precursors INCSR since the s McSweeney et al. Its political instability has made it an attractive base for trafficking organisations to grow their operations transporting northward-bound cocaine. The state-crime nexus — that is, the collaboration between state structures and criminal actors — has been widely addressed by scholars, journalists and practitioners, especially in relation to failed states or countries with weak formal institutions Kupatadze , ; Marat Academics have been developing different models to understand how relationships between legal and illegal actors have established and developed over time Kupatazde ; Lupsha ; Schulte-Bockholt In doing so, they neglect to consider external actors — for instance other states — as participant actors in such relationships. This limits our understanding of the state-crime nexus both empirically and theoretically. In this globalised era, no longer restricted by physical, geographical or political borders, bounded and delimited spaces might not represent the most appropriate unit of analysis Aas By focusing on the case of the Cachiros , one of the most powerful transportista groups in Honduras, this article contributes to both scholarly research on drug trafficking in Honduras — a highly understudied country — as well as the theories on the state-crime nexus. In this milieu, I argue that the US is recognised in the country as the legitimate authority both formally, through the ratification of the extradition law in , and informally, considering the longstanding and unique subordinate relationship between Honduras and the US. By focusing on the influence of the US in the state-crime nexus in Honduras, this article argues that the state-crime nexus should be re-conceptualised as a transnationally networked set of relations. This article begins by situating the existing state-crime nexus literature within wider formal and informal governance debates, exploring and bridging the contemporary literature on the topics to highlight the need to re-conceptualise the state-crime nexus as a transnationally networked set of relations. After the methods section, the findings will first describe in detail the interactions between state actors and drug traffickers in relation to the Cachiros case that emerged in the documents analysed. Secondly, they will focus on the role of the US as an actor of power within the Honduran state-crime nexus to demonstrate the need to re-conceptualise the state-crime nexus as a transnationally networked set of relations. The findings are then discussed thoroughly in the discussion and conclusions section. These relations range from confrontation, coercion and negotiation, but also co-optation, that can end up in collusive relationships Kupatadze In recent years, scholars have engaged in different methodological and theoretical advancements to describe the way in which the state and criminal actors engage with each other Barnes ; Magaloni et al. Barnes has distinguished among four types of state-crime arrangements according to the way in which the actors interact. These vary from confrontation, enforcement-evasion and alliance to integration Barnes When the relationship between criminal and state actors is not antithetical Passas , OCGs and state actors can find a mutual interest in collaborating. State actors usually engage with criminal groups to access financial resources for electoral campaigns and mobilisation of voters in elections Godson In this case, OCGs can be understood as a separate entity from the state. When corruption is not a case of bribery anymore, and it becomes systemic, it can lead to what has been labelled as state-crime nexus — the collaboration between the upperworld with the criminal underworld Marat ; and often the point where the boundaries between criminal and state actors collapse Barnes The existing literature on the state-crime nexus recalls different models of the link between the upper and the underworld Lupsha ; Passas , focusing mainly on the relationships of power between the public sector and criminal organisations Chabat ; Schulte-Bockholt In doing so, scholars have tried to explain the nexus at the source of illicit power as a primary focus. In some contexts, OCGs represent the authority in the territories they control Williams What is meant by governance is a set of formal and informal mechanisms through which authority is exercised Rosenau Here, the literature on the state-crime nexus has been widely focusing on new forms of governance generated by the interactions between violent non-state actors such as OCGs and state actors Duarte et al. However, although growing attention has been given to the role of non-state actors in domestic and foreign policy in the global governance debate Baldaro et al. The way in which the state-crime nexus — which I come to define as a networked set of relationships between state and criminal actors — can affect, and be affected by, foreign policy and external authorities remains an overlooked aspect of the existing literature. One of the prime characteristics of the 21 st century is the multiplicity of actors that have some sort of authority on a sovereign territory, which implies a redistribution of power among states, markets and civil society. One of the difficulties surrounding the conceptualisation of the state as a sovereign territorial entity still concerns the qualities that this should have. Recent works have, however, underlined the need to overcome such theories in the light of global interdependencies in governance, technology and economic activity, and of the different actors that can exert forms of authority on a certain territory. Because the state does not exist in isolation — but rather, it exists among other non-state actors and other states Strange , which are often able to exert different forms of governance on a sovereign territory — localised institutions are undermined, and their importance is reduced Beck As accounts on criminal markets often adopt a single scale of analysis remaining mostly country or regionally focused, the existing accounts of spaces located along criminal networks, and the relationships between these spaces and actors, remain an overlooked aspect in the literature Hall In the same way, inasmuch as existing accounts on the state-crime nexus consider the networked nature of the relationships between different actors within a bounded sovereign territory and have paid increasing attention to transnational organised crime — organised crime that is committed in more than one state or in one state but has substantial impact on another UN — they have failed to address the networked dimension of the state-crime nexus across spaces. Up until now, the state-crime nexus has only been studied as a national matter, and not between states. In the era of globalisation, no longer restricted by physical, geographical, or political borders, bounded and delimited spaces might not represent the most appropriate unit of analysis Aas A transit or transhipment state is a nation where illegal products have to pass through before they reach their final destination Williams The transit connects spatially distant locations, as well as spatially distant actors Hall The analysis of a transnational dimension of the state-crime nexus can help in understanding the intertwined dynamics that shape and affect the nexus, and that the nexus affects, and the different contextual factors that stand at the basis of such dynamics. The Honduran case is particularly exemplificative in the understanding of both the complex relationships that OCGs can maintain with the state, and on the way in which external states can be transnational actors of power within a given territorially bound state-crime nexus. Transportista groups are family based OCGs that facilitate the transit of drugs within the country Bosworth The two Rivera Maradiaga brothers, also known as the Cachiros , were one of the most powerful and prominent transportista groups in the country. From about to , the criminal organisation was receiving large loads of cocaine sent to Honduras from Venezuela and Colombia via air and maritime routes and transporting the cocaine westwards towards the border with Guatemala and eventually to the US on behalf of Mexican drug traffickers. To do so, they were working in concert with politicians, law enforcement officials, and military personnel USA v. Lobo In , the Maradiaga brothers — fearing for their own lives in the country — turned themselves in in the US and decided to collaborate with the Drug Enforcement Authority DEA Moreno Their testimony brought down many important figures of the country, including police officers, business elites, local politicians, and judicial authorities Estrada , some of whom were then processed and sentenced in the US. Up until , drug transit via Honduras was predominantly fought throughout the presence of numerous US military bases in the country and with the direct involvement of the DEA in the coordination of countering operations with the Honduran government and intelligence sharing CRS However, when the involvement of state actors in drug trafficking became clear, the US put extensive pressure on the then President of Honduras, Porfirio Lobo — , to change the Honduran constitution and approve extradition in The ratification of the extradition law, and thus the outsourcing of judicial proceedings to the US, represents yet another example of the exceptional influence of the US over Honduras, and of the dynamics of power between the countries. Honduras has some of the highest rates of corruption in the world. Numbers suggest that corruption has soared in the country especially in the last decade, reaching a new peak in and Transparency International In the Corruption Perceptions Index redacted every year by Transparency International, on a scale of 0 to , with 0 being highly corrupt and being highly transparent, the country received a score of 23 out of , the lowest since ; and placed th in the world out of countries surveyed Transparency International Although Honduras is well known for its high levels of violence and rampant corruption, the nexus between state actors and criminal groups in the country has received little academic attention. The article is based on a thorough analysis of publicly available official judicial documents of the United States District Court — Southern District of New York and Southern District of Florida, retrieved from the United States Department of Justice website, that are available for public consultation; as well as from online sources such as the InSight Crime foundation — a non-profit journalism and investigative organisation specialised in organised crime in Latin America and the Caribbean — and also Docketbird and Scribd — large repositories of federal court cases and documents. In total, 39 court documents were gathered, of which 25 were used and 14 rejected. The 25 documents that were used amounted to a total of pages. The full names disclosed pertain to prominent politicians in the country and were only used as they were cited in the documents analysed which are publicly available and accessible. In doing so, a socio-legal approach was taken in a consideration of the underpinning contextual conditions in which the processes were held Menkel-Meadow The choice of a qualitative approach was led by the intent to discern reality in its different facets and to reflect the way in which such nexus is perceived and understood also by the eyes of judges or defence lawyers in the US. In fact, while the court documents analysed offer an innovative account of the Honduran drug trade, it is necessary to remember that judicial sources and narratives can offer a partial account of reality. Especially in this case, inasmuch as the documents also include testimonies of Honduran nationals, such narratives could be influenced by contextual factors such as the setting and power dynamics between the countries. Inasmuch as these documents offer a great source of knowledge on the Honduran state-crime nexus and on the position of power of the US in relation to the country, these limitations must be acknowledged. In addressing the need to re-conceptualise the state-crime nexus as a transnationally networked set of relations , the first two sections of the Findings first explore and paint a detailed picture of the symbiotic relationships between drug traffickers and state actors in the country. In doing so, they outline the different forms of interaction between state actors and drug traffickers in the country in relation to the Cachiros case, showing the extent to which the lines between state and criminal actors and private and public interests are blurred in the country. The depiction of such interactions will then be useful to understand the ways in which such tight state-crime nexus does not solely have implications at the domestic level, but rather it affects, and is affected by, external states such as the US. Building on this, the last section of the findings will focus on the role of the US as an actor of power within the Honduran state-crime nexus to demonstrate the need to re-conceptualise the state-crime nexus as a transnationally networked set of relations. The US court documents analysed show that the Cachiros were relying extensively on the help of public officials to gain protection. In his testimony during the USA v. The US court documents analysed for the Lobo case also provide evidence that the Cachiros established an enduring collaboration with security institutions. In fact, they show that police officers acted, in a way, as members of the drug cartel, since they were in charge of recruiting other police officers that could be involved in the smuggling, thus acting as intermediaries USA v. They were also — in a sense — acting as private security for the drug trafficking organisation, providing information on the location of people the Cachiros wanted to find, while also taking advantage of their monopoly of force by engaging in violence and kidnappings on behalf of the criminal group USA v. Lobo case , 7 the US prosecutor alleges that Fabio Lobo had been a member of the Cachiros since , as he was managing security and logistics operations of the transportista group, while planning cocaine shipments and escorting trucks loaded with the commodity westwards. Lobo , who has however not been convicted nor proven to be guilty. This allowed the drug trafficking organisation to penetrate the public life of the country through the formation of a powerful state-crime nexus and permitted state actors to accumulate wealth and power for their private interests. This implies that this collusive network goes far beyond the challenge that OCGs can represent to the monopoly of force of the state Williams , as here we witness a privatisation of state functions or public goods, such as public security, to the collusive state-crime nexus favour. Especially in illicit economies such as drug trafficking, criminal organisations usually invest money in legal activities to legitimise their assets and illicit proceeds Williams The Cachiros were the owners of numerous legitimate companies, many of which were used — or simply set up — to launder their illicit proceeds with the help of prominent Honduran businessmen and politicians. This was done, among other things, through the issuance of government contracts, in exchange for kickbacks USA v. Connecting the two distant spaces and jurisdictions, some of the illicit proceeds would end up in the US as a result of their involvement with Yani Rosenthal, a former Honduran congressman, candidate for president and businessmen. Yani Rosenthal Lobo , both as a way to avoid the law being passed and to ensure that even if it was, it would not target them. Indeed, they were able to avoid extradition to the US for years. However, what becomes most important in this case is, once again, the blurring of boundaries and the integration of legal and illegal actors, activities, and economies Barnes At the same time, it is indicative of the way in which the collusive network of private, public, and criminal actors Chayes was able to work closely together to place state functions at the service of private interests Sosa in a culmination of wealth-accumulation. As demonstrated above, the development of such collusive relationships, and their implications, do not, however, have an effect solely within national borders. Crimes that are usually transnational in their nature — like drug trafficking and, often, money laundering — are especially useful to understand how the relations between state and criminal actors can exceed the territorial boundaries of a country. The tight network of power that has formed in Honduras, in which public, private and criminal sectors overlap, has created a space where formal and informal institutions collude, and where government institutions are bent to serve such collusive network purposes Chayes Within national borders, such a network has the ability to employ and at the same time exclude the sovereign, regulatory and legitimate characters of the state Williams However, the transnational nature of drug trafficking, and the increasing interdependencies among different nations, indicate that such state-crime nexus also has an impact on other states. In fact, as shown above, drug trafficking and money laundering in Honduras extensively affects, and is affected by, the US. Since the end of the 19 th century, Honduras has remained under rigid control of the US. As an enclave economy, Honduras became especially dependant on US capital after the US-based banana companies became active in the country between the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th. Although the literature on the country as an enclave economy is vast and a thorough description of it would exceed the scope of the article, two important implications can be useful to the understanding of the need to include the US as an actor of power in contemporary Honduran state-crime relations. According to the testimony of one of the leaders of the Cachiros — Devis Leonel Rivera Maradiaga — during the Fabio Lobo hearing, the ex-president of Honduras Porfirio Lobo had allegedly received bribes from the Cachiros even before becoming president of the country to help him win the election, so that he could offer them protection both in the country and with regards to the extradition law USA v. Fabio Lobo After Porfirio Lobo won the elections, Honduras amended its constitution to permit extraditions in based on diplomatic pressure from the US USA v. In this light, the US can be seen, by both Honduran state and criminal actors, as one of, if not the main, legitimate authority they must evade enforcement from. Something achieved by bribing Honduran state actors to obtain protection. Even before the US was allowed to administer justice in Honduras with regards to citizens facing drug trafficking, money laundering and terrorism charges, the transportista group was bribing important figures in Honduras to evade enforcement Barnes outside the boundaries of the Honduran territory, thereby excluding the regulatory characters of a state Williams which was not their own. The recognition of the US as legitimate political authority Duarte et al. Scholars and practitioners have often argued that the ratification of the extradition law signals a recognition of the structural impunity of the Honduran judiciary system Romero This adds a layer to the state-crime nexus, which sees an external state acting as a regulator in a country where the state functions have been captured by a coalition of public, private and criminal actors. Drug traffickers and state actors that had established these symbiotic relationships in Honduras ended up negotiating their own freedom with another state entity. Understanding the state-crime nexus as a transnationally networked set of relations allows scholars and practitioners to see the connection between spaces that might be distant from one another, and — in some cases — treat the issue as a shared problem between the countries in question. This is especially true of the role the US has had in expanding the importance of Central America as a cocaine corridor. In Honduras, criminal organisations with transnational ties have corrupted government institutions at various levels, finding little resistance from public officials Lasusa The US court documents, when analysed together, paint a detailed picture of the symbiotic relationships between drug traffickers and public actors. Most importantly, public and private actors involved in the illicit economy have been establishing and developing relationships with criminal groups to pursue their private financial and individual interests. This tight network of powerful actors has created a space where the public, private and criminal sectors overlap and blur, and where structural impunity and corruption are the operating system Chayes ; Romero In this context, such collusive state-crime nexus has been able to supplant the basic qualities of the modern sovereign state in a privatisation of public goods directed to the accumulation of wealth. In Honduras, such function has been supplanted by both internal actors integrated within the state-crime nexus and by external actors, in the form of the US. In analysing the influence of the US in the Honduran state-crime nexus, this article also highlights the need to include external actors in the analysis of a given territorially bound state-crime nexus — which up until now has only been studied as a national phenomenon. These power dynamics are also reflected in the court documents analysed, where the US is seen by Honduran state and criminal actors as the legitimate political authority whose enforcement must be evaded. This was the case before and after the extradition law was passed. In fact, the long-standing subordinate relationship Honduras has had in relation to the US led the country to ratify the extradition law in , conferring jurisdictional power to the US. This has added an important transnational source of power within the Honduran state-crime nexus, as drug traffickers and state actors involved in cocaine smuggling had to confront and negotiate directly with the authority of the US. The collaboration and negotiation of traffickers and sentenced state actors with the US authority therefore implies an antithetical relationship Passas between them. To conclude, I argue that understanding and re-conceptualising the state-crime nexus as a transnationally networked set of relations can allow scholars to consider the role of other countries within the nexus, thus helping understand how power is distributed among the different actors. More generally, this highlights the need for an international global coordination and regulation that goes beyond national borders, but still considers local dynamics in the analysis. Understanding the state-crime nexus as a transnationally networked set of relations may also suggest opportunities to adjust drug policies at an international scale, treating the issue as a shared problem from the countries in question. I am indebted to one of the reviewers for helping me clarify this concept. There are a few names mentioned in the article that refer to public persons, such as politicians, who have already been sentenced in the US. The court documents of their judicial processes are publicly accessible and available for public consultation. United States of America v. Case crLGS. United States v. Fabio Porfirio Lobo , 15 Cr. USA v. Case crPGG. Additionally, I truly appreciate the editors and anonymous reviewers of this special issue for their thoughtful comments. Lastly, this work has been made possible thanks to the University of Milan, that is funding my PhD and thus my research. Aas, KF. Globalization and Crime. London: SAGE. Agnew, J. 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United Nations of Office on Drugs and Crime. Yani Benjamin Rosenthal Hildago. Case crJGK. Wainwright, T. London: Ebury Press. Williams, P. Transnational organized crime and the state. In Hall, RB, et al. Williams, P and Godson, R. Anticipating organized and transnational crime. Crime, Law and Social Change. Home About. Research Integrity. Crime Beyond Borders. Keywords: Honduras state-crime nexus drug trafficking Central America hybrid governance state capture. Year: Submitted on Apr 15, Accepted on May 11, Published on Dec 2, Peer Reviewed. CC BY 4. Introduction During the last two decades, Honduras has emerged as a cocaine corridor in the Americas. Towards a Re-Conceptualisation of the state-crime nexus as a transnationally networked set of relations One of the prime characteristics of the 21 st century is the multiplicity of actors that have some sort of authority on a sovereign territory, which implies a redistribution of power among states, markets and civil society. Methods Honduras has some of the highest rates of corruption in the world. Findings In addressing the need to re-conceptualise the state-crime nexus as a transnationally networked set of relations , the first two sections of the Findings first explore and paint a detailed picture of the symbiotic relationships between drug traffickers and state actors in the country. The Honduran state-crime nexus as a transnationally networked set of Relations: The role of the US an actor of the network As demonstrated above, the development of such collusive relationships, and their implications, do not, however, have an effect solely within national borders. Discussion and Conclusions In Honduras, criminal organisations with transnational ties have corrupted government institutions at various levels, finding little resistance from public officials Lasusa Notes I am indebted to one of the reviewers for helping me clarify this concept. Competing Interests The author has no competing interests to declare. References Aas, KF.

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