How can I buy cocaine online in Stellenbosch

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How can I buy cocaine online in Stellenbosch

Part one looks at the current situation and its players, while part two looks at the deeper effects of drug use on users, communities, and others, and what can be done, including the recommendations from ENACT. Enabled by corruption, the heroin trade in East Africa is growing and has woven itself into the societies in the region. It extends as far as South Africa. Although most of this heroin will end up in Western markets, local consumption is rising and the African continent in general is seeing the sharpest increase in heroin use worldwide. ENACT interviewed drug dealers, users, community police organisations, and law enforcement officials during the course of its research. In recent years South Africa has found itself heavily burdened by excessive drug use, specifically heroin. The drug has not only destroyed large swathes of our big cities but it has also made its way to small towns and even villages. This, says ENACT, signalled an important shift in local drug markets, and one that has not received attention in the public discourse. Along the way South Africa has seen a rising number of youth falling victim to the drug, with many bright futures destroyed to mere ashes. This means the loss of the energies and productivity of young people who can contribute to the socio-economic development of the country. The continued widespread of drug use and drug smuggling can be attributed to poor policing and corrupt law enforcement officials. Police forces around the world are susceptible to the severely corrupting effects of the drug trade, largely because it is both cash-based and criminalised. South Africa is no exception, says ENACT, and the three parts of the triangle — drug sellers, communities of drug users, and the police — have variable relationships. They claim there is no set price for bribes paid to police, but R50 to R was an average bribe payment for a low-level police officer in a patrol van. However, officers from outside the neighbourhood were not as accommodating, and indiscriminate abuse from such officers was frequently experienced. In the north of the country, Tshwane users described some — but not all — police as predatory. They slotted police officers into three categories:. However, the organisation emphasises, these allegations require further investigation. Although South Africa is part of the United Nations Convention against Illicit Traffic in Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic substances, it seems to be lackadaisical in enforcing the mandate — which includes strengthening legislative and judicial capacity to implement international instruments on drug control, reducing drug trafficking, organised crime and enhancing the capacity of government institutions and civil society organisations to prevent drug use. Law enforcement in South Africa also dismally fails to intercept drugs smuggled into the country. And in drug infested cities like Johannesburg and Durban, there are enclaves within the cities that are known for drug use and distribution, and police have failed to effectively deal with the problem. Places like Hillbrow in Johannesburg and South Beach Point in Durban have been overrun by drug lords and dealers for years — but instead of seeing police dealing with the problem you see police vans parking their work cars and having chats with the alleged drug dealers. Furthermore, corruption within South African law enforcement can be seen by the frequent bust of their members for drugs and bribery, in a South African police officer was arrested in Brazil with bricks of cocaine. In April this year it was reported that a former police officer who enabled drug smuggling through OR Tambo International, will soon be sentenced. While heroin is not the only drug on the market, it affects people of all backgrounds and ages but is most prevalent in poor and marginalised communities while going under different aliases i. Cape Flats in the Western Cape is arguably the most notorious place for organised gangs, drug use and dealing in South Africa. These organised gangs expose vulnerable young people to drugs, which in turn expose children to drug addicted fathers, mothers or guardians. Drug abuse and its effects can be attributed to violent behaviour, interpersonal violence and risky sexual behaviour. Users also become involved in robbing and even killing people in order to get money for drugs. The Western Cape reported a rise in drug addicted mothers earlier this year; this spike means more children are exposed to drugs either by living in a toxic environment of drugs or through breastfeeding. Nieuwoudt referred to a case of a month-old toddler who was found dead in a drain in Cape Flats after his mother had left him with a male friend while she went to solicit drugs. Research and studies have been done on the problem of drug abuse amongst young people but little has been done with the findings to implement productive and watertight programmes to combat the problem. Interviews with public health professionals working with people who use drugs suggest the population of heroin users has grown significantly in the last four years. A recent study by Soul City also revealed that South Africa is among the top 10 heaviest drug users in the world, and that while abuse of other drugs like cocaine and mandrax was going down amongst male users, heroin abuse was going up. Females showed a decline in the incidence of life-time substance use outside of dagga. In addition, there has been a strong demographic shift. People who inject were once primarily white, but now black users have transitioned from smoking to injecting, and black South Africans make up the majority of people who inject drugs. In response to this crisis the South African government launched various campaigns to educate people about drug use and also introduced learning programmes at school to teach young people about the dangers of drug use, as they are more likely to easily succumb to peer pressure. These programmes have not done enough to turn the situation around as drugs are still available on the streets. The NDMP is developed, implemented and monitored by the Central Drug Authority , which falls under the Department of Social Development, and is made up of representatives of all spheres of government. Visit our GivenGain R20 for Change page and help us demand transparency in our systems , accountability in our leaders , and better empowerment and protection of whistle-blowers. Getting your Trinity Audio player ready You might also like CW anticipating prosecutions in state capture to begin soon. Fighting corruption essential to tackling heroin trade in SA. State capture boosted violence and organised crime. New CW report reveals grim state of corruption in policing. CW one of 4 Google Impact Challenge winners.

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How can I buy cocaine online in Stellenbosch

Official websites use. Share sensitive information only on official, secure websites. Accurate prevalence data on cocaine use, that points to where problems exist and the extent of these problems, is necessary to guide the formulation of effective substance abuse policy and practice. The purpose of this study was to provide surveillance information about the nature and extent of problematic cocaine use in South Africa. A one-page form was completed by treatment centre personnel to obtain demographic data, the patients' primary and secondary substances of abuse, the mode, frequency and age of first use of substance, and information on prior treatment. Treatment indicators point to a significant increase in cocaine related admissions over time in all sites, but with substantial inter-site variation, particularly in recent years. The data indicate high levels of crack cocaine use and high levels of daily usage among patients, most of whom were first time admissions. Patients with cocaine related problems continue to be predominantly male, with a mean age of around 30 years. Substantial changes in the racial profile of patients have occurred over time. Poly drug use is high with cocaine often used with alcohol, cannabis and other drugs. These trends point to the possibility of cocaine use becoming a serious health and social issue in South Africa and demonstrate the utility of continued monitoring of cocaine treatment admissions in the future. They also highlight the need to address cocaine use in national and provincial policy planning and intervention efforts. In terms of treatment, the findings highlight the need to ensure that treatment practitioners are adequately trained to address stimulant problems, poly drug use, and HIV and other risk behaviour related to crack cocaine use. Possible gaps in access to treatment by certain sectors of the population should be addessed as a matter of urgency. According to the European Monitoring Centre for Drugs and Drug Addiction EMCDDA , cocaine use is currently at historically high levels in Europe, with new treatment admissions for cocaine more than doubling between and \[ 1 \]. In Africa, particularly in countries in the west and south-east, cocaine use has also increased \[ 2 \]. South Africa, one of the largest countries in Africa with a population of 45 million \[ 3 \] and a driving force behind The New Partnership for Africa's Development NEPAD has seen a rapid increase in cocaine, heroin and amphetamine type stimulant trafficking and use since independence from white minority rule 'Apartheid' in This increase has been ascribed to the opening up of the country's borders, a decrease in very restrictive internal state controls, high levels of unemployment, and an increasing use of this country as a route for transshipment of cocaine from South America to Europe and occasionally North America \[ 4 \]. In South Africa there have been few national surveys to assess the extent of cocaine use since While the most recent national survey conducted among persons 15 years and older in found that 0. The use of cocaine potentially has important implications for public health in South Africa with its already high levels of violent crime and HIV infection \[ 4 , 7 , 8 \]. Accurate prevalence data on cocaine use, that points to where problems exist and the extent of such problems, is necessary to guide the formation of effective drug policies and practices. While national surveys have a number of advantages, on their own they have significant limitations. These include a limited ability to estimate the prevalence of less commonly used drugs like cocaine, especially if sample sizes are small. In contrast, datasets on treatment admissions are useful for indirectly assessing trends in problematic drug use, and have been used for this purpose among others in the European Union and other parts of the world \[ 9 - 11 \]. Given reports of the increasing transshipment of cocaine via Africa to Europe and EMCDDA reports of increasing numbers of individuals presenting for treatment with cocaine related problems, our aim was to determine if treatment admissions for cocaine related problems were also increasing in South Africa, a country with strong historical and economic ties to countries in the European Union. Specifically our purpose was to describe trends in treatment admissions for cocaine related problems in three sentinel sites in South Africa for the period January to December and compare South African findings with the most recent data on cocaine related treatment admissions from the EMCDDA. These sites consist of the two port cities of Cape Town and Durban and six provinces: Gauteng, which includes the cities of Johannesburg and Pretoria added in ; Mpumalanga, in the northeast of the country added in ; the Eastern Cape, comprising the urban centres of Port Elizabeth, East London, Umtata, and surrounding areas added in ; and the North West, the Northern Cape and the Free State provinces all added in The focus of this paper is on data related to cocaine related problems obtained from specialist AOD treatment centres in Cape Town, Gauteng and the Eastern Cape. In order to be admitted to alcohol and other drug treatment centres, patients are generally required to meet the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual version IV DSM-IV criteria for substance abuse or substance dependence. For the purpose of surveillance, a standardised one-page form is completed on each person treated by a given centre during a particular six-month period. Treatment centres receive ongoing training in data collection procedures. Typically the form is filled in by the case manager a few days after the patient has been admitted to the centre. To ensure data quality, completed forms are checked for missing information and possible miscodes. In terms of data analysis, descriptive statistics are reported together with Cochrane-Armitage tests to assess whether particular trends are statistically significant. Data on the proportion of patients having cocaine as a primary or overall primary to fourth drug of abuse across the three sites is given in Table 1 , together with the Cochrane-Armitage trend test results for each distribution. The cumulative total number of patients seen at these AOD treatment centres for any substance of abuse, including alcohol, over the 20 data collection periods, was 38, in Cape Town between January and December , 49, in Gauteng between January and December and 3, in the Eastern Cape between January and December The Cochrane-Armitage trend tests revealed that the proportion of patients reporting cocaine as their primary drug of abuse relative to other substances, increased significantly in all sites over time Table 1. The trend tests for the proportion of users in each of the three sites having cocaine as an overall drug of abuse were also statistically significant. The trend tests, however, mask the actual distribution of patients that had cocaine as an overall substance of abuse Figure 1. For Cape Town, the graph shows an increase in treatment admissions for cocaine related problems from until the second half of , then a decline until the first half of with an isolated increase in the first half of , then an increase until the first half of , after which it gradually starts to decline. The graph for Gauteng also shows an increase till the second half of and then a decline until the second half of with steady increases thereafter. With the exception of the second half of , the graph for the Eastern Cape has shown a steady increase in cocaine related treatment admissions since the start of data collection. Percentage of patients from specialist treatment centres in Cape Town, Gauteng and the Eastern Cape reporting that cocaine was a primary, secondary, tertiary or fourth drug of abuse, January to December by 6-month period. There has been no discernable increase or decrease in this percentage over time. Among patients who present for the treatment of cocaine related problems, the main mode of cocaine HCL administration is through snorting, and crack cocaine is smoked. Across all sites less than one percent of patients reported injecting cocaine. This has not changed over time. In the second half of the mean length of time between the age of first treatment admission and age of first use of cocaine was 3. No data were available on this for Gauteng. The latter has resulted from a decline in the proportion of cocaine patients who are white. The terms 'white', 'black', and 'Coloured', originate from the Apartheid era. They refer to demographic markers and do not signify inherent characteristics. Their continued use in South Africa is important for monitoring improvements in health and socio-economic disparities, identifying vulnerable sections of the population, and planning effective interventions. The Cochrane-Armitage trend test revealed that the proportion of patients treated for cocaine related problem who were black African in Gauteng increased significantly from 4. Similarly there was a significant increase in the proportion of cocaine patients who were Coloured, from 8. In the Eastern Cape there was also a significant increase in the proportion of Coloured cocaine patients, from Likewise the proportion of cocaine patients who were Coloured in Cape Town increased significantly over the 20 reporting periods from 3. Poly drug use is common. Table 3 shows for the second half of for each site separately both the proportion of other drugs that are secondary when cocaine is primary as well as the primary drugs of abuse when cocaine is secondary. When cocaine is the primary drug of choice, it is often used in conjunction with alcohol and with cannabis. In the Cape Town and the Eastern Cape the main 'sedative' drug used in combination with cocaine when primary appears to be methaqualone a sedative-hypnotic known locally as Mandrax , whereas in Gauteng it is heroin. In Cape Town the main primary drug that was reported when cocaine was secondary was methamphetamine another stimulant , in Gauteng it was heroin a 'downer' and in the Eastern Cape it was methaqualone a sedative. A number of secondary cocaine users in all sites used heroin as primary drugs of abuse. In Cape Town methamphetamine also featured prominently. Proportion of selected other drugs abused with cocaine as primary and secondary drug of abuse b. This increase has not been constant and at times cocaine related treatment admissions have even shown a decline. The drop off in cocaine related treatment admissions in Cape Town and Gauteng in the second half of and the subsequent increase might be linked to changes in global cocaine production over that time period \[ 14 \]. In all sites reported on in this paper, treatment admissions related to cocaine use have increased over time, but the current rate of increase appears to be much higher in the Eastern Cape than in Gauteng and Cape Town. There have been no systematic changes in the provision of treatment services or admissions policies that could explain these findings. Discussions with community sources and the police indicate that the increase in cocaine related admissions in the Eastern Cape is mainly due to the recent emergence of the cocaine trade in Port Elizabeth and East London and the very aggressive marketing practices accompanying it. If only national data had been reported on, local variations such as those recently experienced in the Eastern Cape and in Cape Town would have disappeared. The overall increase in cocaine related treatment admissions over time has been accompanied by a reduction in treatment admissions for other drugs of abuse with depressant qualities, specifically alcohol and methaqualone \[ 15 \]. It has also been accompanied by an increase in admissions for a broad range of other stimulants including methamphetamine in Cape Town and methcathinone in Gauteng \[ 15 \]. In contrast, in the USA there appears to have been a steady fall off in cocaine related treatment admissions since the mid s, accompanied by a rise in problems related to other stimulants and opiates \[ 16 \]. The recent decline in cocaine related treatment admissions in Cape Town is in all likelihood also due to the increase in treatment admissions related to another stimulant, methamphetamine \[ 17 \]. In both South Africa and the European Union, the majority of patients coming to treatment with cocaine as a primary drug of abuse are new admissions. In the absence of other systemic changes, this may reflect an increasing incidence of cocaine related problems. In order to form effective prevention and treatment programmes the demographic profile of cocaine users needs to be identified. Persons in treatment for cocaine for the first time across the three South African sites are aged between 27 and 32 years and are generally older than individuals with problems related to other drugs \[ 9 \]. They generally started using cocaine three to five years prior to treatment. Similar findings were reported by the EMCDDA, where in the mean age for new patients entering outpatient treatment for cocaine was 31 years for males and 28 years for females. They were also reported as being typically older than other drug consumers, apart from users of hypnotics and sedatives, who are the oldest even if figures are low \[ 18 \]. In the USA the average age of primary cocaine admissions was 38 years for smoked cocaine and 34 years for non-smoked cocaine \[ 16 \]. The older age of cocaine patients may have implications for issues that will need to be addressed during treatment, such as a greater focus on the effect of their drug use on partners, children and work than perhaps would be needed for patients in their late teens and early twenties. Substantially more males than females accessed treatment for cocaine problems. The male to female ratio for patients entering outpatient treatment for cocaine as a primary drug of abuse in 15 European countries in was 5. Rather than reflecting lower levels of cocaine use among women, this may partly reflect gender differences in access to treatment \[ 19 \]. There seems to be a greater stigma associated with drug dependence in females, and the abuse of illicit drugs tends to remain hidden. In addition, women in South Africa often do not have an independent income to pay for treatment. Furthermore, the data suggest an increase in cocaine related treatment admissions by Coloureds in all three sites and by black Africans in Gauteng. In the s drug markets in South Africa were clearly segmented along racial lines, with drugs like cocaine being marketed to whites who tended to be more affluent \[ 20 \]. Since , these markets have become less segmented, as reflected in the aforementioned demographic shifts. The changes over time cannot be explained in terms of systematic changes in service delivery that might have increased access by particular population groups. The likely reason that black Africans are not showing up in greater numbers at drug treatment centres in the Eastern Cape is probably due to the substantially higher levels of poverty \[ 3 \] which has meant that black Africans in this province tend to abuse alcohol and cannabis rather than more expensive substances, as well as the limited number of treatment slots in the affordable, non-profit treatment sector. Lower utilisation of drug treatment services for cocaine and other drug problems by black Africans in Cape Town and Gauteng could also be due to the fact that the majority of black Africans still reside in suburbs far from drug treatment and other services \[ 21 \]. There are indications that the use of cocaine in this form increases sexual risk behaviour and is related to levels of violence \[ 22 , 23 \]; although these associations could also be partially explained by contextual factors such as crowding. With high levels of patients reporting daily use of cocaine e. Smoking is an extremely potent and direct form of administration. In responding to the threat of cocaine use in South Africa it is important to remember that poly-drug use is high. In roughly two-thirds of cases where cocaine was the primary drug of abuse other drugs were reported as secondary, typically alcohol and cannabis. Conversely, in Gauteng and the Eastern Cape a high proportion of patients having heroin as a primary drug of abuse had cocaine as a secondary drug. Treatment planning needs to take into account such poly-drug use. According to the most recent European data a diversification of cocaine users in treatment can be identified. While political attention in South Africa has been given increasingly to problems related to methamphetamine and heroin use, very little attention has been directed to cocaine abuse despite the fact that roughly one in five patients coming to drug treatment currently has cocaine as a primary or secondary drug of abuse. One of the policy implications of this research is that substance abuse practitioners need to be trained in and provided with specific treatment protocols for addressing cocaine and other stimulant related problems. Such protocols and training are lacking in South Africa. The increasing levels of cocaine related treatment admissions in Gauteng and the Eastern Cape also highlight the importance of addressing gaps in supply reduction and ensuring that universal and selected prevention programmes take cognisance of particular issues related to cocaine use. Prevention efforts need to focus on persons who have not used any drugs as well as persons in their early twenties who might be using other drugs. Given the ongoing rise in use of cocaine among Coloured and black African populations, prevention efforts need to be sensitive to pressures to use cocaine among these population groups and in communities where they tend to reside. The main limitation of this study is that treatment data are affected by the lack of available treatment options for drug abuse in South Africa, particularly for the most disadvantaged sectors of society \[ 21 \]. This limitation highlights the need for further community-based studies such as school surveys, key informant and user interviews to assess the use of the drug in populations that might not have access to specialist substance abuse treatment or who might be accessing other services such as private mental health professionals and other kinds of support services. While we controlled for double counting of patents within a treatment centre we were not able to control for double counting across centres. This may have slightly inflated the number of patients receiving treatment and may have biased the data towards those patients who seek treatment across more than one institution. Another limitation of the study is that not all the patients would necessarily have met the criteria for cocaine dependence. Further research is therefore required that would investigate the severity of the problems experienced by patients seeking treatment for cocaine problems. A further limitation of this study comes from the fact that data were only reported on three sites. It is possible that other patterns of cocaine use exist in other areas. In South Africa, as in Europe, there has been a substantial increase in cocaine related treatment admissions over time. In the second half of the s cocaine users entering treatment tended to be white males who preferred to smoke the substance. In recent years, a partial shift in this profile has occurred, with use increasing in less economically strong areas like the Eastern Cape, and among black African and especially Coloured users. These emerging trends point to the possibility of cocaine use becoming a serious health and social issue in South Africa and demonstrate the need for continued monitoring of cocaine treatment admissions in the future especially given the dearth of any other ongoing monitoring systems and demonstrate the need to address cocaine use in national and provincial policy planning and intervention efforts. All three authors were involved in the analysis of the data on which this paper was written, revised drafts of the manuscript and approved the final manuscript. As a library, NLM provides access to scientific literature. Subst Abuse Treat Prev Policy. Find articles by Charles DH Parry. Find articles by Bronwyn J Myers. Received Oct 12; Accepted Dec 28; Collection date Open in a new tab. Black Afr. Coloured Asian White Fem. Coloured Asian White a Cape Town Gauteng Eastern Cape Cocaine as primary drug: Other drugs Drugs that are primary when cocaine is secondary Cocaine as primary drug: Other drugs Drugs that are primary when cocaine is secondary Cocaine as primary drug: Other drugs Drugs that are primary when cocaine is secondary None Similar articles. Add to Collections. Create a new collection. Add to an existing collection. Choose a collection Unable to load your collection due to an error Please try again. Add Cancel.

How can I buy cocaine online in Stellenbosch