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How can I buy cocaine online in Palawan

Activities by an organized crime group involving the illegal entry, transit or residence of migrants for a financial or material benefit. The production, transport, storage and sale of goods that are fraudulently mislabeled or fraudulent imitations of registered brands. The illicit transport, handling and sale of excise consumer goods despite a ban or outside a legal market. Excludes oil and counterfeits. The illicit trade and possession of species covered by CITES convention, and other species protected under national law. The poaching, illicit trade in and possession of species covered by CITES and other species protected by national law. Includes IUU fishing. The illicit extraction, smuggling, mingling, bunkering or mining of natural resources and the illicit trade of such commodities. The production, distribution and sale of heroin. Consumption of the drug is considered in determining the reach of the criminal market. The production, distribution and sale of cocaine and its derivatives. Consumption is considered in determining the reach of the market. The illicit cultivation, distribution and sale of cannabis oil, resin, herb or leaves. Consumption is used to determine the market's reach. The production, distribution and sale of synthetic drugs. Organized crime that results in a monetary loss via financial fraud, embezzlement, misuse of funds, tax evasion and abusive tax avoidance. Clearly defined organized crime groups that usually have a known name, defined leadership, territorial control and identifiable membership. Loose networks of criminal associates engaging in criminal activities who fail to meet the defining characteristics of mafia-style groups. Includes foreign nationals and diaspora groups. The State's role in responding to organized crime and its effectiveness. The degree to which states have put oversight mechanisms in place to ensure against state collusion in illicit activities. A country's supranational structures and processes of interaction, policy making and concrete implementation to respond to organized crime. The degree to which states are able to control their physical and cyber territory and infrastructure against organized criminal activities. Assistance provided to victims of various forms of organized crime, including initiatives such as witness protection programs. Refers to the existence of strategies, measures, resource allocation, programmes and processes that are aimed to inhibit organized crime. Human trafficking remains a significant issue in the Philippines, despite government efforts to fight it. Filipino nationals are trafficked for labour and sexual exploitation, both domestically and internationally. Labour is a key export, with recruitment especially focused on impoverished women and children. The use of the internet and social media has exacerbated human trafficking activities, particularly with respect to online child abuse material. The COVID pandemic has worsened poverty and vulnerability, leading to an increase in minors being trafficked for forced labour in a number of industries. Adults are also affected, as women are coerced into sexual exploitation through Philippine offshore gaming operators POGOs and workers are exploited there for forced criminality. Although the government has taken steps to prevent the activities of POGOs, many businessmen and supporters of the current government are closely tied to these operations, inhibiting measures taken by the government. Human smuggling in the Philippines is closely linked to human trafficking, with the country serving mainly as a source for labour migration and human smuggling to other South East and East Asian countries, as well as the US, EU and the Gulf region. The COVID pandemic has caused many Filipino nationals to fall victim to human smuggling rings in search of better economic opportunities. Individuals are also frequently recruited online through social media platforms and local networks, with promises of employment opportunities abroad. Corrupt government officials and immigration agencies are reported to be involved in human smuggling and trafficking operations, facilitating the departure of overseas Filipino nationals and assisting in the production of false documents. Extortion and protection racketeering are widespread issues in the Philippines, with petty extortion being carried out by those in positions of authority. Criminal groups in some regions are also known to extort small businesses. Sexual extortion — or sextortion — is a growing problem in the Philippines, enabled by high technology and the cyber domain. Criminal gangs control the sextortion industry in the country, with reports suggesting that the Philippines may serve as a base for organized groups engaged in the activity. Legally manufactured arms find their way into the illicit market, with most of them being domestically produced or leaked from government stockpiles. The cottage industry of homemade weapons in Danao, Cebu, also contributes to the illegal arms trade. Some affiliated militias of the military allegedly undertake the illicit domestic trade of imported weapons, which are used by various violent non-state armed groups in the country. Despite this, violent deaths have been declining for years, gun laws are stricter and actively enforced, as authorities seize thousands of firearms each year. However, the recent presidential and local elections saw weapons changing hands as candidates did not only rely on official government security. Illicit trade is a widespread problem in the Philippines, with corruption among customs officials a significant driver. The country is a source, transit and destination country for counterfeit goods, including fake whiskey and liquor, shampoo and soap, fake designer clothing and counterfeit diplomas. The COVID pandemic has led to an increase in counterfeit medicines, making the Philippines a hotspot for counterfeit drugs in the region. Despite law enforcement raids, counterfeit sellers are becoming bolder in openly discussing the illicit nature of their products. The Philippines has also been facing a problem of illicit trade of excisable goods, mainly tobacco products. The increase in excise tax on tobacco has led to a rise in demand for cheaper illegal products, resulting in an increase in seizures of illicit cigarettes in recent years. Despite efforts made, illegal cigarette labelling sites have been uncovered and raided, indicating that the Philippines might also be a source of contraband cigarettes. As a result, lawmakers are considering giving more power to enforcement agencies to intensify their efforts and increase penalties for illegal traders. Illegal logging and flora trafficking remain significant issues in the Philippines, leading to deforestation and endangerment of animal species. The illicit logging industry is composed of two sectors: commercial-scale logging, which exports wood to other countries; and small-scale logging, carried out by local communities in survival mode. Corruption and the difficulty in policing vast forest areas contribute to the ongoing problem. While the Philippine government has made some efforts to combat illegal logging, weak governance and poverty continue to pose significant challenges. Wildlife trafficking is also rampant in the Philippines, making it one of the most valuable markets for this crime globally. The COVID pandemic has exacerbated the issue, as reduced controls and fewer law enforcement officials have worsened some spheres of wildlife trafficking, including bird, pangolin, porcupine, sea turtle and giant clamshell trafficking. Social media networks have become a primary hub for the illicit wildlife trade. Although there have been seizures, prison sentences in the Philippines are low. Furthermore, officers have little training to detect wildlife trafficking. Bird trafficking, particularly of the myna and parrot, has worsened during the pandemic. There is also evidence of an increase in giant clamshell seizures, potentially as a replacement for elephant ivory. Although illegal, unreported and unregulated fishing has improved, the Philippines remains vulnerable due to low maritime security. The Philippines is a top producer of non-renewable resources, such as gold, copper and nickel. However, illegal mining continues to operate in different regions, putting communities at risk. Some of these communities have called for a halt to illegal mining in regions such as Rizal and Mindanao, but politicians have often ignored these claims. The practice is unlikely to flourish without the participation or tacit approval of local strongman-politicians, who rely on it as a means to enhance their authority. The symbiosis between local politicians and illegal mining is tacitly allowed by the central government. Indeed, the expanding presence of large mining companies in the country is changing the dynamics of local politics. The Philippines has a relatively low consumption of heroin and other opiates due to the availability of cheaper illegal drugs. Nonetheless, it is a regional trans-shipment and destination point for illegal drugs, including heroin. The country faces a problem of drug smuggling across its borders, with this taking place using containerized cargo shipments and mail services. The reporting of recent seizures suggests that the Philippines may be increasingly becoming a transit point for cocaine in the region, despite not being a major consumer of the drug. Cannabis is widely used in the Philippines and constitutes the majority of the total weight of drugs seized. Domestic cultivation is the main source of the drug, but the country is not considered to be on any international routes for cannabis. There has been an increase in reports of airport and customs arrests of imported marijuana for medicinal purposes. A growing movement is promoting the use of cannabis for medical treatment, and attitudes appear to be changing. Organized criminals may find trading in synthetic drugs more profitable, leaving cannabis production and distribution to petty criminals. The main source of methamphetamines is China, but domestic production is also important, with Chinese organized crime groups playing a role in this supply chain. Precursor chemicals smuggled into the country mainly come from China and Vietnam. The COVID pandemic has increased the use of digital platforms and the dark web for drug trafficking, especially for synthetic drugs. Efforts to counter the narcotics trade in the country are undermined by systemic corruption at all levels of state institutions. The Philippines is at critical risk of cybercrime and has become a hub for it, posing a threat to national security, the private sector and the government. The country experienced an increase in cybercrime during the COVID pandemic, ranking among the most affected countries worldwide in terms of the number of cyber-attacks and threats. In the private sector, over half of medium and small businesses in the country have experienced cyber incidents in recent years. Cybercriminals have used ransomware and distributed denial-of-service attacks against government institutions as a means to attack political and media opposition. Even major media outlets have fallen victim to politically motivated cyber-attacks. Financial crimes are a major issue in the Philippines, with their frequency having increased during the COVID pandemic. In recent years, trillions of Philippine pesos have been lost due to illegal withdrawals. Many of these crimes are linked to cybercrime, including phone scams, card game scams, taxi and pyramid scams. The Philippines has one of the highest numbers of cybercrime victims related to financial crimes, which include fraudulent schemes and other illicit activities that have arisen in conjunction with the increase in online transactions. Tax evasion is also a significant contributor to overall financial crime in the country, with some national stores and prominent personalities involved in such illegal activities. Furthermore, the Philippines has gained notoriety for illegal cryptocurrency-related schemes, with these promising high returns but putting both Filipino and foreign investors at risk. There is evidence of widespread links between organized crime, politics and state institutions in the Philippines. Clan-based political patronage drives corruption and its connection to power is reported to have increased in recent years. The majority of the legislative body is also reported to be controlled by these actors. Some of these powerful groups are involved in criminal activities, with the lines between them and mafia groups blurred. Some political clans have even emerged from mafia-style groups that entered politics to preserve their illicit enterprises or protect themselves from competitors. Others originally gained their wealth and influence from landholding or control of key industries but have evolved into mafia-style groups. These actors often resort to violence. Criminal networks in the Philippines are loosely organized and are mainly involved in the drug market, car theft and swindling. Some of these gangs are reported to have re-emerged in late and following the elections. This is not uncommon as criminal networks proliferate during the uncertainties of the electoral process. While some of these gangs have specific modus operandi, they remain loosely organized and structured. Foreign actors involved in organized crime in the Philippines, especially Chinese triads and networks, are widespread, due to the corruption and inefficiency of anti-crime agencies. They primarily engage in drug and human trafficking. The influence of the private sector is found to be moderate and there are no recent reports of major organized criminal activities involving private sector actors. Reports indicate tens of thousands of civilian deaths, leading to criticism from the human rights community and investigations for crimes against humanity. The capture of state institutions by political clans and other vested interests continues to hinder transparency and accountability, despite a change in leadership in Concerns also exist about the bloating of intelligence funds, which are not subject to usual audit rules, and the lack of independence among Supreme Court justices. Regarding international cooperation, the Philippines remains a strong member of regional agreements and cooperation around organized crime. It also strengthened its relationship and collaboration with India and China in recent years. The Philippines has implemented national policies and laws aimed at fighting organized crime, including anti-terror, anti-human trafficking and human rights laws, as well as establishing a new government department to protect overseas smuggled individuals and fight human smugglers and traffickers. The Department of Trade and Industry is working on new approaches to prevent financial crimes and a new national policy is being developed to address cyber-enabled financial crimes. However, a government task force aimed at ending the insurgency has ramped up propaganda against leftist organizations and political parties, putting them at risk of violence. Moreover, in recent years, there has been a series of murders and threats against judges and lawyers. Despite proposals to modernize the prisons and related criminal justice facilities, no action has been taken so far. Law enforcement in the Philippines remains fragile and fragmented, with law enforcers, especially customs, border and maritime officials, frequently accused of corruption. Some police and military officials are alleged to be implicated in illegal markets such as drug trafficking, arms trafficking and extortion. These officials are described to operate more like another organized criminal group than a state security apparatus. The Philippines has also failed to prosecute officials involved in human trafficking. While new ports were opened in the last two years and strategies are currently being implemented to increase a maritime presence in the defence of the territory, positive outcomes here have yet to be seen. The Philippines has long been known as a hub for money laundering, with weak enforcement and widespread corruption allowing for criminal proceeds to be laundered more easily. The Philippines has been grey-listed by the Financial Action Task Force for money laundering multiple times for its failure to address strategic deficiencies. Red flags in this area include online sexual exploitation, the offshore online gambling industry, online drug sales and the use of e-commerce for dubious transactions. Money laundering is not considered a stand-alone criminal act in the Philippines, and a predicate crime is required for an investigation to be launched. Owning a business is reported to be difficult, and wages and legally mandated benefits are often ignored by the government. Restrictions on investments exist in several markets and capital markets are underdeveloped. The government has not introduced any new economic policies to address these hardships. The Philippines has been increasing its efforts to protect trafficked persons and other vulnerable citizens, although rehabilitation programmes for female victims of human trafficking have been criticized for focusing only on perceived victims without addressing underlying conditions. Victim and witness support is largely provided by NGOs, church groups and the private sector, as the government has not allocated sufficient resources or developed a long-term plan to address the issue. The Philippine civil society and media are vibrant, despite journalists being threatened and harassed. Cyber-attacks against media outlets are also on the rise. Although non-governmental organizations are working to protect human trafficking victims, the pandemic has hampered their efforts. Private organizations are seeking to collaborate with the Philippines to combat illegal software use and cybercrime. Prevention efforts by the Philippines National Police PNP have largely relied on the use of force rather than cooperation and joint activities with civil society. This approach has been applied in both the war on drugs and the response to the pandemic. As for organized crime, the PNP has intensified measures such as checkpoints, community awareness campaigns, mobile patrols and police presence. The criminal markets score is represented by the pyramid base size and the criminal actors score is represented by the pyramid height, on a scale ranging from 1 to The resilience score is represented by the panel height, which can be identified by the side of the panel. A series of 13 discussion papers, one for each illicit market considered during the development of the Index. We're constantly working to improve the Index. By participating in this survey, you will be providing us with insights and suggestions that will help us make the Index an even better resource. This report was funded in part by a grant from the United States Department of State. The opinions, findings and conclusions stated herein are those of the Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime and do not necessarily reflect those of the United States Department of State. Capital Manila. Income group Lower middle income. Population ,, Geography type Island. GINI Index Criminal markets 6. An assessment of the value, prevalence and non-monetary impacts of a specific crime type. Human trafficking 7. Human smuggling 5. Extortion and protection racketeering 5. Arms trafficking 7. Trade in counterfeit goods 7. Illicit trade in excisable goods 6. Flora crimes 7. Fauna crimes 7. Non-renewable resource crimes 8. Heroin trade 4. Cocaine trade 4. Cannabis trade 4. Synthetic drug trade 9. Cyber-dependent crimes 7. Financial crimes 8. Criminal actors 6. An assessment of the impact and influence of a specific criminal actor type on society. Mafia-style groups 8. Criminal networks 6. State-embedded actors 8. Foreign actors 7. Private sector actors 3. Political leadership and governance 3. Government transparency and accountability 2. International cooperation 5. National policies and laws 5. A state's legal action and structures put in place to respond to organized crime. Judicial system and detention 4. Law enforcement 2. Territorial integrity 4. Anti-money laundering 5. Economic regulatory capacity 6. Victim and witness support 5. Prevention 3. Non-state actors 4. Analysis Download full profile english. People Human trafficking remains a significant issue in the Philippines, despite government efforts to fight it. Environment Illegal logging and flora trafficking remain significant issues in the Philippines, leading to deforestation and endangerment of animal species. Drugs The Philippines has a relatively low consumption of heroin and other opiates due to the availability of cheaper illegal drugs. Cyber Crimes The Philippines is at critical risk of cybercrime and has become a hub for it, posing a threat to national security, the private sector and the government. Criminal Actors There is evidence of widespread links between organized crime, politics and state institutions in the Philippines. Economic and financial environment The Philippines has long been known as a hub for money laundering, with weak enforcement and widespread corruption allowing for criminal proceeds to be laundered more easily. Civil society and social protection The Philippines has been increasing its efforts to protect trafficked persons and other vulnerable citizens, although rehabilitation programmes for female victims of human trafficking have been criticized for focusing only on perceived victims without addressing underlying conditions. Read the analysis Listen the podcasts View all events. Next Skip. How to measure organized crime? Read more on globalinitiative. Give us feedback We're constantly working to improve the Index.

Retail price of cocaine Philippines 2017-2022

How can I buy cocaine online in Palawan

Official websites use. Share sensitive information only on official, secure websites. Please address correspondence to Gideon Lasco. Email: pdlasco up. The international consensus to end compulsory drug treatments and close forced rehabilitation facilities needs urgent transformation to country policies. We unpack the politics behind rehabilitation and explain the sociocultural foundations that support compulsory treatment. This paper analyzes the Philippines as a case study of how politics and populism have framed the understanding and implementation of drug rehabilitation, particularly in an unstable democracy with a long history of authoritarianism and oligarchic patrimonialism. Less critically examined, however, is how this period—during which drugs have been at the forefront of political and public discourse—has shaped compulsory drug interventions in the country. We explain this fixation on treating people who use drugs as either criminals or patients—in both cases deemed as without full autonomy to make informed and moral personal decisions—as a product of exploited populism in a predominantly Catholic country. Drawing from international human rights obligations in relation to drug policy, we conclude by identifying critical leverage points and structural factors that drug policy reformists in unstable democracies can maneuver toward a public health-centered framework that respects full patient autonomy and human dignity. Against the backdrop of extrajudicial killings apparently perpetrated pursuant to an official state policy of the Philippines, the drug rehabilitation landscape in the Philippines was changing in light of the threat to life and liberty of people who use drugs. In , a significant Number of admissions in rehabilitation facilities residential and outpatient during the Duterte administration. Nevertheless, the protocols in the mega rehab center reflect typical programs in drug treatment and rehabilitation centers nationwide. Guided by the Manual of Operations for Drug Abuse Treatment and Rehabilitation Centers , which sets the minimum standards for this type of facility, the Department of Health accredits rehabilitation centers—both government and nongovernment owned or operated—based on their compliance with these prescribed uniform standards. Medical service provides comprehensive health care services ranging from routine physical examination and screening procedure for diagnosis, treatment and follow-up of illnesses and other medical problems. Psychiatric service provides therapy to drug abusers with behavioural and psychiatric disorders through, among others, chemotherapy, individual and group psychotherapy, family therapy and occupational therapy conducted by a psychiatric team. A psychiatric team shall include a psychiatrist, psychologist and social worker. This may include an occupational therapist and para-professional worker. Spiritual and religious services include the development of moral and spiritual values of the drug dependent. It has been noted that the spiritual foundation of patients has been very weak that this could not provide support to them to enable them to cope with their problems and conflicts. Strengthening the spiritual foundation would involve, among others, reorientation of moral values, spiritual renewal, bible study and other charismatic sessions. It aims to bring them closer to God and better relate to their fellowmen. Various religious and civic organizations can be contacted to provide services. Spiritual counselling shall be helpful in aiding and resolution of individual and family problems. Referral service involves the process of identifying accurately the problems of the patient and sending him to the agency that can provide the appropriate services. Sports and recreation services provide facilities for sports and recreation to offer patients the opportunity to engage in constructive activities and to establish peer relationship as an alternative to drug abuse. The emphasis in all activities should be on developing the discipline necessary to improve skills and on gaining respect for good physical health. Aftercare and follow-up services provided to the patient after the primary rehabilitation program. Aftercare activities can be viewed as the first line of defence against relapse. This is for a period not exceeding eighteen 18 months and should be undertaken by the appropriate Center personnel. The manual further provides optional additional services, which may include placement service for work opportunities, volunteer service opportunities to assist the rehabilitation center, and educational opportunities. Presently, people who use drugs undergo drug treatment and rehabilitation programs and services following the guidelines set under Board Regulation No. Under this regulation, a verified application must be filed to the DDB to access a treatment and rehabilitation program. The application may be made by the person who uses drugs or by parents, spouses, guardians, or relatives within the fourth degree of consanguinity. The second and third modes are not unique to the Duterte administration, but a significant increase in arrests have been noted in the past six years, leading to congestion in jails. According to the most recent data from the Bureau of Jail Management and Penology, there are now 80, persons deprived of liberty detained for violation of the national drug law. A country whose youths are mental and physical wrecks will be hopelessly doomed to ignominy unredeemable until, if that is possible, a new and strong breed will rise up from the ruins. These are the worst saboteurs and are worthy of the highest punishments. For they destroy the youth, the hope of the land. Notably, however, drug treatment and rehabilitation remains largely compulsory in the Philippines, with evidence-based initiatives in some communities seen as the exception to general forced treatments that often have little or no scientific basis. As reported by the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime and UNAIDS, the Philippines continues to detain people who use drugs in closed settings, often against their will, without sufficient human rights safeguards and forces them to undergo rehabilitation for an average duration of ten months. A number of episodes during the Duterte administration are illustrative. Our hearts reach out in love and compassion to our sons and daughters suffering from drug dependence and addiction. Drug addicts are children of God equal in dignity with the sober ones. Drug addicts are sick brethren in need of healing deserving of new life. They are patients begging for recovery. They may have behaved as scum and rubbish but the saving love of Jesus Christ is first and foremost for them. As criticism mounted, including from the political opposition, Duterte at one point appointed Vice President Leni Robredo—the highest-ranking member of the opposition—as chair of the Inter-Agency Committee on Anti-Illegal Drugs. Although her tenure was short-lived—17 days—her report, which she published months after, is reflective of her view. Tellingly, when the leading candidate—Ferdinand Marcos Jr. That should be the focus so that he can be arrested and stopped. Instead of rumor-mongering, the candidate should be arrested and placed in rehab. The parallels in high incarceration rates in the United States and the Philippines and similar institutional configurations e. Because they do not specifically address the question of why a particular form of rehabilitation has gained uncritical popular and political acceptance, these explanations are at best partial and would require corroboration through cultural histories and contemporary ethnographic accounts of rehabilitation today. There is a dangerous tendency for reform advocates to condemn extrajudicial killings and due process rights violations as human rights concerns, while supporting rehabilitation as an acceptable alternative. As we have observed, the motivations behind gross human rights violations and forcing people to treatment are the same: the dehumanization of people who use drugs and the removal of their autonomy to decide on the treatment approaches that respond to their felt needs. Relatedly, drug testing has been transformed into a diagnostic and prosecutorial tool for treating people who use drugs. Despite the problematics of drug rehabilitation in the Philippines being strongly determined by political and popular approaches to drug issues, recent developments suggest that a changing paradigm is not beyond the range of possibilities. In the first place, the DDB has recognized the failures of closed settings in its approach to rehabilitation. The public admission that the mega rehab center was a mistake because it uproots people who use drugs from their families and the policy shift toward more community-based interventions are important concessions made as the country transitions to a more public health-based framework. Notably, the country has not closed down compulsory rehabilitation facilities and appears to be far from doing so. Policy officials, too, have learned important lessons from the drug war, leading them to revise the national guidelines on rehabilitation. Academic networks have been formed, and publications that problematize the drug war have allowed for dialogues nudging policy makers toward reform. Second, although, as mentioned above, presidential politics have largely embraced the killings-versus-rehabilitation binary, lawmakers have in fact filed harm reduction bills and similar initiatives. This is an important step to challenge the binary framework and to introduce a genuine option that promotes autonomy, human dignity, and health. Nevertheless, legislative change is necessary. We can no longer avoid and delay the conversation on decriminalization of drug use, as it is apparent that the courts—supposedly the champions of human dignity—have become agents for compulsory rehabilitation. In the Philippines, people are ordered to undergo rehabilitation or face imprisonment. People arrested for drug-related offenses bargain for a lesser penalty, which includes rehabilitation. Jails are now formally considered centers for rehabilitation, putting into question the capacity of these institutions to provide the standards necessary for genuine health programs. For example, the United Nations Joint Programme for Human Rights in the Philippines has become an important platform for introducing human rights-based approaches to drug control. Among other things, it calls for the improvement of prison conditions and development of community-based programs. If it is to make further progress in the country, however, the joint program must implement the international consensus on ending compulsory rehabilitation and invest in a transition toward voluntary services, following the consensus from the Third Regional Consultation on Compulsory Centres for Drug Users in Asia and the Pacific, and further accommodating the recommendations from the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime and UNAIDS on adopting voluntary community-based services as the framework for drug-related programs and interventions. Thus, international support must not be merely a transplantation of practices from abroad but a genuine privileging of the voices of the communities whose lives involve drugs. Crucial to this project is empowering local actors e. Finally, the long-standing support for forced rehabilitation ultimately rests on how people who use drugs are perceived by the public and leaders, both political and religious. Thus, any attempt to reform must involve careful thinking as to how public attitudes can be changed. Admittedly, this sociocultural foundation that supports compulsory rehabilitation is the hardest to break. However, cultural values such as the importance of family can be important themes in counter-narratives that can support family- and community-based approaches. Similarly, amplifying narratives from people who use drugs themselves can illuminate the lived realities of drug rehabilitation for the general public. More fundamentally, however, we need to deepen our understanding of the paradigms that inform the rigid binary to be able to transition to a framework that fully embraces human rights and public health. However, as we have shown in this paper, there is very little difference between jails and rehabilitation centers in terms of both philosophy and practice; in fact, jails are now centers for compulsory treatment. Those who seek to reform this untenable status quo need to capitalize on recent policy reforms, informed by a vibrant civil society and supported by the international community, to end the era of forced rehabilitation, with local actors and stakeholders empowered to take the lead. As the Philippines undertakes a change of leadership, advocates in the country and elsewhere must recognize the need to go beyond addressing killings and insist on a discussion about what kind of rehabilitation should exist—and for whom—and about how to genuinely expand our responses to drug-related issues in a way that goes beyond criminal and medical frameworks. As a library, NLM provides access to scientific literature. Health Hum Rights. Find articles by Gideon Lasco. Find articles by Lee Edson Yarcia. Open in a new tab. Similar articles. Add to Collections. Create a new collection. Add to an existing collection. Choose a collection Unable to load your collection due to an error Please try again. 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How can I buy cocaine online in Palawan