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Official websites use. Share sensitive information only on official, secure websites. African Americans are incarcerated at rates much higher than other racial and ethnic groups in the United States. We sought to qualitatively explore the relationships between ongoing involvement in the criminal justice system and continued drug use in a population of urban and rural African American cocaine users in a southern state. Semi-structured qualitative interviews were conducted among African American cocaine users in Arkansas between and Participants resided in both rural two counties located in the eastern Arkansas Mississippi delta region and urban the county including the capital city of Little Rock areas. The themes which emerged from our data speak to the collective experience that many substance using populations in the United States face in dealing with the criminal justice system. Our findings highlight the need to better, more holistic ways of engaging African American substance users in community based substance use treatment and supportive services. While treatment does exist within many correctional institutions, primarily state and federal prisons, many individuals do not successfully access treatment services Nowotny, As a result, many individuals return to drug use in the period immediately following release from incarceration Binswanger et al. Racial disparities in incarceration rates in the United States are stark: African Americans are incarcerated more than six times as often as their White counterparts Minton, This is despite data suggesting that rates of drug use are similar between African Americans and Whites U. Department of Health and Human Services, African Americans in southern states have been especially impacted by the epidemic of mass incarceration as these states have the highest rates of incarceration 6 southern states rank among the top 10 states in rates of incarceration. Graff has suggested that the ramping up of the War on Drugs in the s coincided with economic deprivation among inner cities in the United States and as such led to a disproportionate number of African Americans being incarcerated Graff, In addition, Dumont et al. And as previously mentioned, relapse to drug use following release from incarceration is common. The relationship between the cycle of drug use, arrest, incarceration, and relapse is depicted in Figure 1. This figure is one way to illustrate conceptually that many individuals continually cycle through a pattern of drug use and crime, arrest and incarceration and relapse to drug use upon release. In particular, there is a general lack of data on the criminal justice experience of African American substance users in the south. Our data provide important insight into the role of the criminal justice system in the lives of African American cocaine users in the southern United States. Furthermore, our data can be used to inform culturally appropriate interventions aimed at breaking the cycle of addiction and incarceration among this population. The methods of the study have been described elsewhere Cheney et al. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 51 African American cocaine users between and Census Bureau, Francis Counties the counties from which the sample was recruited , respectively U. Department of Agriculture, The capitol city of Little Rock is located in Pulaski County in the center of the state; over a third of the city population is African American U. Inclusion criteria included: African American race; age 18 or older; use of crack cocaine or cocaine hydrochloride by any route other than injection at least twice in the 30 days prior to the interview; and a current residence in one of the study locations. Exclusion criteria included: injection drug use as this route of use is relatively rare in the study locations Booth et al. Both phases of the study used Respondent-Driven Sampling Heckathorn, ; 1—2 seeds were identified through the use of ethnographic mapping techniques Carlson et al. Recruitment was evenly distributed with respect to geographic location one urban location, Little Rock, and two rural locations, Marianna and Forrest City and participants were purposefully selected based on residence, age, gender and usual type of cocaine use i. Interviews averaged approximately 90 minutes range: 1 hour to 2. Domains in the semi- structured interview guides included community perceptions of substance use, individual substance use and treatment history, knowledge and perceptions of treatment, perceived need for treatment, and treatment preferences. Data were recorded and transcribed. Similar to previous analyses using these data, Cheney et al. The first author initially examined all transcripts for any description of experiences with the criminal justice system. This involved an inductive approach of identifying themes to create an analytic framework grounded in the data. The first author used open-coding line-by-line reading of text to identify emergent themes and then axial coding i. The second author reviewed the analytic categories and their dimensions and where there was disagreement, both the first and second authors discussed disagreements and revised understanding of relations between categories and their dimensions. For this analysis, we only focused on themes related to incarceration in either jails or prisons. Jails are typically places where individuals are detained for relatively short periods e. In Figure 1 , we illustrate the relations between the cycle of drug use, arrest, incarceration, and relapse that emerged from our inductive analysis of the data. While the interview guide did not explicitly contain a question about incarceration, nearly half of participants reported experiences with the criminal justice system. Thus, the overarching theme of substance use and incarceration strongly emerged from the data. Overall, 23 of the 51 participants discussed the role of the criminal justice system on their cocaine use Table 1. More than half With respect to geography, Figure 1 , described above, also depicts this cycle and the relationship between the themes which emerged from the data. Many participants spoke about their ongoing involvement with the criminal justice system, often spanning years or decades. While much of this involvement with the criminal justice system was resultant from criminal behavior associated with addiction individual level factors , some participants spoke about how race and structural inequalities factored into their ongoing involvement with the criminal justice system. Both individual and structural factors pertaining to ongoing involvement with the criminal justice system are presented in this section. Often the criminal activity that results in initial involvement with the justice system begins at a very young age. One male participant summed up his criminal history as follows:. I have been locked up on and off from the time I was 13 until I was really something. Matter of fact, about 33, 34 years old, you know. In and out of the jailhouse, but not back to the penitentiary. Misdemeanor this and misdemeanor that. It was like a fetish, every 90 days I go to jail. Given that all of the participants in the sample struggled with cocaine use, it is not surprising that many indicated that they committed crimes in order to obtain money to purchase drugs. As one participant explained:. I was stealing cars and going to jail off and on. Another participant commented that most of the people he knew had been incarcerated as a result of trying to get drugs. Behind decisions made to get more drugs. For example, one participant commented,. I got popped. Now, it took me a lot of money that I had to get out of this trouble. I got probation, I got on this deferred adjudication thing. This is process that we go through as black men, back to the race thing. So what do you do. This quote illustrates the reality that many of the participants in this sample expressed as African Americans. This participant alludes to the idea that the criminal justice system is designed to maintain people, particularly black men, under its authority. Interestingly, many participants referred to the accessibility of drugs within the incarcerated setting both county jails and prison. As one participant remarked,. All you got to do is have the money, you can get what you want to get. He might not make that in two weeks at that time. If you had money you could do what you want to. However, several participants described significant barriers to drug use on the inside, including the high cost of accessing drugs and the fear of the consequences of being caught using drugs while incarcerated. For example, one participant commented that while drugs were available, the cost was prohibitively expensive. He stated,. And while some participants indicated that they continued to use while incarcerated, others enumerated fears that inhibited their use while on the inside, even if they had access to drugs while incarcerated. One participant illustrated this point when discussing the consequences of being caught using while incarcerated were too great. Well, you can use every day in there if you choose to. So, I had to start using my head. Forget the drug. I had to tell the drug no. I had to tell the drug, naw. Consequences are high. Nothing is free. Not even the conversation. These quotes highlight the difficult choices many participants had to make while incarcerated. While some described access to drugs, most indicated that drug use while incarcerated was likely to bring about significant and potentially serious negative consequences. Another participant commented that drugs were particularly difficult to obtain in the juvenile system. For many participants, the threat of returning to jail was very real. Indeed, many participants reported multiple incarcerations and frequent run-ins with law enforcement. And while many arrests may result in short-term jail stays, repeated arrests can lead to longer prison sentences. Participants described arrest, or the fear of arrest, as part of their daily lives as drug users. The fear of re-arrest was a deterrent for some but not others. One respondent summarized this as follows,. That thought always there in the back of your head …going back to that type of filthy environment. So yeah, you think about that all the time. Do you care, sometimes you care. For some repeat incarceration did not prevent them from continuing to use cocaine. This is particularly the case for individuals in active addiction who do whatever is necessary to continue their substance use. In the exchange below, a participant explains to the interviewer how he continued to get arrested for new offences charges which violated the terms of his probation thereby landing him in prison. Respondent: Then I started catching other charges and they put me on probation. Then I caught 4 charges, probation was revoked and then reinstated me and added 2 more years to my probation. Interviewer: These were all for possession or other charges were starting to mount now? Respondent: Yeah, other charges, oh they were mounting up, yeah. Then it was prison. When asked whether or not the threat of returning to prison affected his lifestyle choices, one participant commented,. A little bit, a little bit. Similarly, another participant described that he continued to use drugs but he was more careful after having been incarcerated. Well, what I did is go ahead and get my drugs and go start to the motel. However, for other participants, the experience of serving time in a correctional facility was a deterrent for relapse. One woman described her experience as follows,. I quit, I never sold drugs again in my life. I know you somebody when I can get up, when I can sleep, when I can piss, when I can shit. This includes treatment while incarcerated, treatment in lieu of incarceration and linkage to treatment upon release. Few participants spoke about drug treatment during incarceration. Some participants did mention groups or classes that they attended, either on a mandatory or voluntary basis, while others spoke of devoting their time to the spirituality by reading the bible or other religious texts. Thus, treatment was not necessarily viewed as a perceived need to overcome drug dependence. One participant summed up this sentiment when he was asked about the benefits of drug treatment while incarcerated:. Well, you just never know because every jail and every prison that you go too, you got to have some type of certificate in your jacket in order to get released. So you got to take up some course. This participant is referring to drug treatment as a means to be released from jail. While participation in jail based treatment does not guarantee an early release, some participants felt that participating in such programs would increase the likelihood of a shorter jail stay. Conversely, other participants discussed positive aspects of corrections-based treatment groups based on the step tradition. One participant commented on his attendance of such a group,. The 12 steps and the 12 traditions again. For many drug offenders, alternative sentence practices may offer a way to avoid jail or prison time. Or, mandated treatment may be a condition of parole. However, many participants expressed considerable opposition to court-ordered or mandated treatment. When asked why he thought judges mandated treatment for some drug offenders, one participant responded,. They call themselves trying to change people. Other participants indicated that other than avoiding more severe punishment, court-ordered treatment did relatively little to decrease use among its participants. You cannot force this on nobody. It has to come from within. This was one of the strongest themes to emerge from the data, that success in accessing and completing any sort of treatment program is predicated on internal motivation. With respect to linkage to treatment, participants frequently described situations where individuals were mandated to treatment yet they relapsed soon after treatment completion. For some participants, this represented evidence that forced or coerced treatment is ineffective. When discussing court-ordered treatment, one participant stated,. They go through treatment and they back on out doing the same thing. All they was doing is going to treatment so they can get they time cut down. Similarly, one participant commented that court mandated treatment was nothing more than a brief respite from substance use for many individuals. He summarized this as follows:. They take a break, but they gonna have that breakdown and then when they hit that binge, shit, they off and running, man. All the way to the poor house. Collectively, these quotes highlight a general lack of voluntary treatment options that many of these participants experienced while involved in the criminal justice system; even if individuals were interested in substance use treatment, they may not have been able to access it while incarcerated or may have had negative experiences with mandated treatment. And for many participants, court ordered treatment did not appear to address their readiness for change, or lack thereof, which is sometimes a focal point of community based drug treatment programs in that such programs often rely in patient readiness for treatment to be successful. The general lack of access to treatment was associated with relapse upon release from incarceration. For many participants, this was a very common experience. For example, one participant described his own experience upon release from jail. The only time I thought I wanted treatment was them 3 weeks I was in jail. Like I says, soon as I got outta jail, the treatment went out the window. I thought where I was going to get my next hit from, who was going buy me one, like that. Another participant described her experience a bit differently. She did not intend to use after release but quickly found herself in a situation that triggered a relapse. She commented,. And then you want to go get your drug of choice. Still other participants intended to make a change in their lives after release but faced numerous structural barriers that complicated successful reentry. For example, some participants commented on the general lack of employment available to individuals with criminal justice histories. One participant explained,. Well when I got out and I called them, they said they was all booked up and filled in at the time. Then it depends on what type of charge you got. Overall, many participants described returning to the same environments upon release from corrections. These environments were the same that they were using in prior to their incarceration so returning facilitated their relapse. As one participant described,. I got out and I had a check, I went and got me some Ts and blues and stuff and when I got home to my sister house, then her and her friend were over there and they were doing crack. These narratives highlight some of the re-entry challenges that many participants faced. In addition, most participants returned to environments where they had been using substances prior to incarceration after their release. The environment to which they returned was a significant contributor to the risk of relapse for many participants. Our data document the experiences of being involved in the criminal justice system among a sample of African American cocaine users in a southern state. And while these themes may not necessarily be unique to this specific population, the themes speak to the collective experience that many substance-using populations in the United States face in dealing with the criminal justice system. Collectively, these data highlight the need to provide better support for African American cocaine users as they transition between correctional facilities and the community as most tend to return back to the environments and neighborhoods from where they were arrested. As others have documented, cocaine users in the rural south have significantly lower treatment participants compared to users in other areas of the US Carlson et al. Furthermore, as Brown, Hill, and Giroux found, African American cocaine users in the South, feel alienated from the dominant culture of recovery that has historically been designed for White men Brown et al. Importantly, while barriers to treatment entry among rural stimulant users have been previously documented Carlson et al. Many participants specifically referenced internal motivation as the primary or only component that predicts successful drug treatment. For some participants, however, involvement in the criminal justice system interrupted their usual pattern of drug use. This finding is also consistent with previous work published by our group Cheney et al. Participants in our study overwhelmingly expressed the view that coerced treatment, whether through the legal system or otherwise, was largely ineffectual. Though, given that all of the participants in our sample reported active drug use, this view may be somewhat biased. Indeed, the effectiveness of mandated treatment is equivocal as Klag et al note given the paucity of rigorous research evaluating such treatment Klag et al. While our study recruited participants from both urban and rural environments, most participants reported similar experiences, regardless of geography, with respect to adverse neighborhood influences on substance use behaviors. Stahler et al found in an analysis of more than 5, returning prisoners in Pennsylvania that factors related to neighborhood disadvantage, including poverty and social mobility, were not predictive of recidivism. However, they did find a relatively strong association between returning to neighborhoods with a high density of ex-offenders and recidivism Stahler et al. One finding from our study that was somewhat surprising was the frequency with which participants spoke about the availability of drugs within the correctional setting. However, despite the apparent availability of drugs, not all participants chose to use while incarcerated. Our qualitative data support this as many individuals in our sample who were arrested while on probation or parole indicated that they did not want to take the risk of using drugs while incarcerated so as to avoid harsher sentences. Our data suggests that continued involvement in the criminal justice system can serve as a social determinant of continued drug use and relapse to drug use upon release from correctional settings. In addition, while correctional institutions are mandated to provide medical care to inmates, often the health gains made while incarcerated quickly erode once individuals reentry society leading to increased emergency department utilization Frank et al. Repeated incarcerations can interrupt continuity of medical care which suggests that incarceration itself can serve as an additional health determinant. Given that many participants in our study indicated a general disinterest in substance use treatment, better attempts to engage this population in substance use treatment while incarcerated and linkage to postrelease substance use treatment is critical. In particular, given the general lack of support for coerced treatment among our sample, one strategy to better engage this population in treatment may be the use of motivational engagement therapy MET. MET is an adaption of motivational inter- viewing and incorporates personal assessment feedback. This approach has shown some efficacy among cocaine users in reducing the frequency of relapse Rohsenow et al. More research is needed to elucidate different patterns of motivation among African American cocaine users. Any efforts at substance use treatment engagement will likely require coordinated efforts between law enforcement, the judiciary and correctional institutions. As with any qualitative study, data are not necessarily generalizable to larger population groups, e. While incarceration was a topic that often came up in interviews, this topic was not specifically part of the semi-structured interview guide. Finally, it is important to note that all of the participants included in the study were active substance users which may in part explain their negative attitudes toward various types of treatment, mandated or otherwise. Limited data exist with respect to the criminal justice experience of African American stimulant users in the southern United States. Our data suggest that many African American stimulant users in the south face a variety of challenges to successful reintegration into society, particular with respect to relapse to drug use. Importantly, many of the participants in our sample did not indicate a perceived need for drug treatment and many continued to use post-release from incarceration. Thus, while incarceration for some was a disrupter to substance use, it was not a deterrent to continued use post- release. In addition, our data highlight the fact that incarceration may be an important determinant for continue drug use in the community among our sample given that most respondents reported a general lack of linkage to substance use treatment upon their re-entry into the community. Our data suggest an urgent need to develop better engagement of substance involved individuals in treatment within correctional settings and more robust discharge planning to refer individuals to services, including substance use treatment, post-release. And for those who do not have a perceived need for substance use treatment, greater effort is needed to provide these individuals with substance use related risk reduction education and linkage to ancillary services, such as housing, employment, etc. Such efforts will mean stronger collaborations between correctional institutions and community-based providers. The funding agency had no role in the design, collection, analysis, or interpretation of data, nor the writing of the manuscript or decision to submit the manuscript for publication. The authors report no conflicts of interest. The authors alone are responsible for the content and writing of the article. Color versions of one or more of the figures in the article can be found online at www. As a library, NLM provides access to scientific literature. Subst Use Misuse. Published in final edited form as: Subst Use Misuse. Find articles by Nickolas Zaller. Find articles by Ann M Cheney. Find articles by Geoffrey M Curran. Find articles by Brenda M Booth. Find articles by Tyrone F Borders. Issue date Oct PMC Copyright notice. The publisher's version of this article is available at Subst Use Misuse. Open in a new tab. Declaration of interest The authors report no conflicts of interest. Similar articles. Add to Collections. Create a new collection. Add to an existing collection. Choose a collection Unable to load your collection due to an error Please try again. Add Cancel.

The Criminal Justice Experience of African American Cocaine Users in Arkansas

How can I buy cocaine online in Murska Sobota

According to their statements, on 2 June , following a previous risk analysis at the Port of Koper, the officers of the Koper Customs Office located and inspected a container which had arrived at the port by cargo ship from Colombia. It contained declared legal goods - a press and compressors addressed to a Croatian customer. The inspection of the shipment carried out by the customs officers revealed that the hydraulic oil reservoir contained a suspicious white substance mixed with solvents, with a gross weight of On the grounds of suspicion of the presence of the illicit drug among the mixture of solvents, the Koper Criminal Police Department entered the investigation. Preliminary tests performed on the mixture gave reason to suspect that it contained dissolved cocaine. The competent state prosecutor of the Koper District State Prosecutor's Office and the competent investigating judge of the Koper District Court were informed of the detection of the illicit drug. The suspicious liquid, namely the mixture of solvents and cocaine, was pumped from the tank into barrels and transported to the Forensic Science Centre at the General Police Directorate, where the substance is being analysed. In all, According to the assessment of Forensic Science Centre experts, the described mixture of solvents contains between 80 and kg of dissolved cocaine. The precise quantity will be revealed after the expert analysis has been concluded. The inspection of the documentation of the above shipment revealed that a company from Croatia may be involved in smuggling cocaine. By way of the instructions issued by the Koper District State Prosecutor's Office, the Croatian security and judicial authorities have been informed of the findings. On 6 June , two Croatian citizens, aged 40 and 38, were arrested in Zagreb as a result of a coordinated international police action. Both are reasonably suspected of being involved in the smuggling of the seized cocaine. In compliance with Croatian legislation, they were detained and the following day brought to the hearing before the investigating judge of the County Court of Zagreb, who ordered custody for both. On the Slovenian illegal market, the price per kilogram of cocaine ranges between EUR 40, and 45, The retail selling price for Slovenian cocaine consumers, i. On the basis of these prices, the value of the cocaine seized at the Port of Koper amounts to between EUR 4 and 4. In the European Union, the price for one kilogram of cocaine usually ranges between EUR 30, and 50, In August , a similar case of cocaine smuggling was dealt with and investigated by the Slovenian Criminal Police in cooperation with the officers of the Koper Customs Office. A container was sent from Ecuador through the Port of Koper, addressed to a recipient in The Netherlands. The inspection revealed 40, kg of cocaine, which was then seized. The drug was sealed in 37 packets, concealed among legal customs goods. The operating data known to date indicate that cocaine is smuggled from the Benelux countries, particularly from the Netherlands, partly also directly from Spain, through Italy. The European Union is the second largest global market in cocaine. The most frequently used means of transport is fishing vessels. The crew generally consists of nationals from African countries, while some of them are Spanish and South American. The quantity of smuggled cocaine ranges between and kilograms. The cocaine is discharged in warehouses in African countries and prepared for further smuggling towards Spain by ship or plane. The detected shipments indicate that quantities sometimes exceeding 2, kilograms are involved in such smuggling activities. The discharging is performed in the northern coastal zones of Portugal and Galicia. The seizure in Galicia amounted to 1, kg, at Gibraltar 1, kg, in the south of Cape Verde 1, kg. Smuggling of cocaine on sailing ships in the territory of the Canary Islands has been detected as well. The route passes between the French Riviera and Cape Verde. Intersection with the route of the fishing vessels sailing from Cape Verde towards the French Riviera - Madeira corridor is possible. Within this territory, cocaine is smuggled on sailing ships across the Canary Islands. The sailing ships carry European flags, and the crew is of European origin as well. The cocaine is loaded from mother ships sailing from South America or the African coast. The quantities of thus smuggled cocaine amount to approximately kg; however, sailing ships carrying more than kg of cocaine also appear. The discharging of cocaine is done on the Canary Islands or the Iberian Peninsula. The problems related to the discovery of smuggling from Africa are often the following: limited or non-existing police control in Africa, difficult cooperation with African countries ignoring operations, illegal immigration and smuggling of technical devices, and the operations of Colombian groups in several countries. It is difficult to find reliable contact persons within their police forces. There is a lack of anticipation skills in Europe, ignoring new routes and difficulties in cooperation between the police and customs offices in Africa, and comprehensive and complex investigations are not established against criminal communities in Africa. A number of criminal communities which smuggle cocaine from South America are linked. Colombian criminal communities are connected to the Mexican cartels. The Colombian organisers provide for the delivery of cocaine to Panama and to Mexican criminal communities. Criminal communities of Brazil, Lebanon and Nigeria form part of the cooperation network as well. The exchange of Brazilian cocaine for ecstasy takes places in Belgium and in The Netherlands. The Brazilian criminal communities, which operate within the territory of Paraguay, are involved in the smuggling of arms from the EU, which they trade for cocaine. Preventivni nasveti policije v slovenskem znakovnem jeziku Dostopnost. Toggle navigation. What are the signs of peer violence? Who are the bullies? Who are the victims? What can parents do? What can you do if you are a victim of peer violence? Fire erupts after explosion on a train, panic, injured passengers, and an armed attacker — Luckily only for training 4 September A working meeting with Croatian counterparts on the issues of irregular migration and prevention of migrant smuggling held on the Slovenian police's intiative 9 August Slovenian police officers help keep football fans safe in Stuttgart 16 June Together for safer schools 5 June Twenty years of Slovenia's membership in Europol: 'Europol has been one of our most valued partners in the fight against crime over the last 20 years' 16 May Police partake in making Nova Gorica friendlier for the blind and visually impaired 4 April Prevention of illegal migrations; in cooperation with the Croatian police, control has been tightened in some sections of the Slovenia-Croatia border 15 March Director General of the Police's working visit in Hungary with the focus on illegal migration and people smuggling 14 March Together with Slovenian police, ZeBRA operational task force performance presented in Zagreb: more than 8, people smugglers arrested since 8 March Video conference with police chiefs from neighbouring and Western Balkan countries, focusing on migration 7 March Active search for Slovenian fugitive successfully completed 22 February Director of the North Macedonian police visits Slovenia 16 February Slovenian police officers pick up an escaped Slovenian prisoner in Berlin and hand him over to the Slovenian judicial authorities 16 January Police chiefs discuss crime in the digital age and the challenges of irregular migration in The Hague 27 September National Bureau of Investigation participates in an international investigation into an organised drug trafficking ring 1 September A large amount of cocaine seized at the Port of Koper - information from the joint press conference of the Slovenian and Croatian Police and Customs Office. Price of cocaine on the illegal market On the Slovenian illegal market, the price per kilogram of cocaine ranges between EUR 40, and 45, Similar case of drug trafficking from In August , a similar case of cocaine smuggling was dealt with and investigated by the Slovenian Criminal Police in cooperation with the officers of the Koper Customs Office. Statistics The rising trend in the quantity of seized cocaine since is distinct: in 2, g of cocaine were seized in 4, g of cocaine were seized in 41, g of cocaine were seized in the first five months of , 2, General information on the smuggling of cocaine: The European Union is the second largest global market in cocaine. You need JavaScript enabled to view it. About Slovenian Police. Anonymous phone number General Police Directorates. Slovenia's police do not take crime or minor offence reports via their social media profiles. Cookies settings Use of cookies. Keyboard navigation Block animations. 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How can I buy cocaine online in Murska Sobota