How can I buy cocaine online in Lamu

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How can I buy cocaine online in Lamu

Click here to connect with us on WhatsApp. High Court Judge Luka Kimaru made the order after it emerged that Jack Marrian and Francis Mwanthi had not filed responses to an affidavit by the Director of Public Prosecutions opposing their release on bail. They two were separately charged with trafficking in kilos of cocaine worth Sh million which was seized at the Port of Mombasa. See author's posts. Connect with us. Hi, what are you looking for? In this article:. Muhoozi says in latest attack on Kenya. Share Tweet. More on Capital News. This website uses cookies to improve your experience. We'll assume you're ok with this, but you can opt-out if you wish. Close Privacy Overview This website uses cookies to improve your experience while you navigate through the website. Out of these, the cookies that are categorized as necessary are stored on your browser as they are essential for the working of basic functionalities of the website. We also use third-party cookies that help us analyze and understand how you use this website. These cookies will be stored in your browser only with your consent. You also have the option to opt-out of these cookies. But opting out of some of these cookies may affect your browsing experience. Necessary Necessary. Necessary cookies are absolutely essential for the website to function properly. This category only includes cookies that ensures basic functionalities and security features of the website. These cookies do not store any personal information. Non-necessary Non-necessary. Any cookies that may not be particularly necessary for the website to function and is used specifically to collect user personal data via analytics, ads, other embedded contents are termed as non-necessary cookies. It is mandatory to procure user consent prior to running these cookies on your website.

Drug addicts at the Kenyan Coast turn to Ecstasy

How can I buy cocaine online in Lamu

At Soko ya Nadhif market in Garissa, Kenya, the ones who come to buy the drugs are men. They arrive early in the morning, sometimes before dawn, waiting in the hot dark air for a good deal. New white Land Cruisers pull into the market, kicking up clouds of red dust behind them. The ones who rush to offload the cargo are men, too. They toss heavy bags of leaves over their shoulders before sorting them into sections: Sareye, Khadija, Fatuma. Each bag is marked with a woman's name. Because although almost everyone who comes to Soko ya Nadhif market is a man, the ones who sell the drugs are women. Sareye Budul Shafat, 52, is a soft-spoken mother of 10 who favors neon technicolor hijabs. While she calls herself a businesswoman, her gold jewelry and poker face hint at something more illicit. Shafat is the founder of the Al-Amin Women's Group, a collective organization of 10 women—mostly single mothers and grandmothers in their 40s, 50s, and 60s—who dominate Garissa's khat industry. Attacks on the industry come from all sides, so women in the khat business are evasive about how much money they make. But her shoes, her accessories, and the size of her house, as well as the number of men and women who call her 'boss,' suggest much higher earnings. Khat—a stimulant leaf from the Catha edulis plant that is criminalized in the United States and most of Europe but wildly popular in East Africa—has somehow become women's work. Khat leaves are usually chewed, sometimes with bubble gum or peanuts to mask the herbal taste. Although the vast majority of khat users are men, women play an unmistakably dominant role in its production and sale. The Al-Amin Women's Group dominates the Garissa market, but women's influence in the khat also called miraa industry has deep roots throughout the region. In Somaliland, a self-declared breakaway state in the Horn of Africa, an estimated 72 percent of khat vendors are women. In Ethiopia, one of the country's richest people, Suhura Ismail, turned a roadside miraa stand into an international business empire with its own fleet of charter planes that transport the drug between Jijiga, a city in the Somali Regional State of eastern Ethiopia, and Somalia itself. Like a boss, Suhura named the airline after herself. In Kenya, the economic power of khat is so huge that in , when Somalia banned imports of the drug for a single week, it cost Kenyan farmers millions of dollars. Shafat got into the business for the same reasons any other good entrepreneur does: instinct and need. In , her husband, a former truck driver, was left unable to work by advancing glaucoma, the leading cause of irreversible blindness worldwide. Desperate to support their children, Shafat tried selling secondhand clothes. During the months she languished at the clothes market, Shafat noticed that some women would regularly come in with no husbands but an endless supply of money to spend. She decided to ask about the secret to their independent success. The industry she discovered would change her life. Khat is an enigma: People can't seem to agree whether it's dangerous or not. It has been likened to everything from coffee to cocaine. Even the Netherlands, famous for its permissive drug use policies, banned khat in But in Canada, where the substance is illegal, a young woman who brought 34 kilograms of khat into the country in was able to successfully appeal her arrest on the grounds that the drug is not harmful. But prohibition has addictive qualities, and the war on miraa is self-reinforcing. In his book The Khat Controversy , author David Anderson recounts the story of how a businesswoman named Yasmin moved from Somalia to Kenya in the s and became one of the first people to export the drug to the United Kingdom. After the Dutch ban, the British government announced its own plans to criminalize the leaf. That move came despite a report from the British Advisory Council on the Misuse of Drugs that found 'insufficient evidence' that khat caused health problems and 'no evidence' that the leaf was linked to serious or organized crime. Opponents of the ban argued that, since khat was almost exclusively popular with East African and Yemeni immigrant communities, the criminalization of khat would be, in effect, the criminalization of specific ethnic minorities. But members of the British-Somali diaspora had mixed feelings about the ban: Some supported it, saying a prohibition would promote health and cultural integration. When you chew, you don't work or meet anyone apart from Somalis. But the comparisons between khat and clearly legal substances such as alcohol, tobacco, and coffee were hard to ignore. One survey of British Somalis in London found that 90 percent would prefer their children use khat than alcohol, and 77 percent would prefer they use khat than cigarettes. There were also concerns that the British ban would be an economic blow to East Africa: In , a group of Kenyan lawmakers led by Florence Kajuju, a member of the Parliament of Kenya, urged the British government not to 'condemn' the Kenyan farmers and exporters who relied on the trade. Nevertheless, it became a criminal offense to buy, sell, or chew khat in the U. The British decision had an immediate impact on Kenya's khat export market. Before the ban, an estimated 20 tons of the drug arrived at London's Heathrow airport each day, most of it from Kenya. Khat had been a huge boost to that country's economy. In alone, it was responsible for For the people and communities that had relied on the British market, such as small towns in the picturesque highlands near Meru, the sixth-largest city in Kenya, the effect of the ban was devastating. One exporter told The Guardian that his monthly income plummeted from 2, pounds per month to Jillian Keenan. The creeping criminalization of khat has become a political issue on the African continent as well. In Kenya, criminalization campaigns have largely happened at the local level. Lamu, a town northeast of Mombasa, for instance, has been an epicenter of attempts to ban the sale of the leaf since In May , Nyandarua County Governor Francis Kimemia announced plans to prohibit sale and consumption in his county. Drug prohibition tends to hit women who work in the industry harder than it hits men. A report from the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime found that, globally, the proportion of women who are in prison for drug-related crimes is higher than the proportion of men—possibly because it is easier for police to target workers in lower-level stages of the drug industry, such as cultivation, who are more likely to be female. It may also be that women in the drug industry are less able to afford fines or bail. Prohibition's particularly insidious effect on women is evident in Kenya, too. Although khat is legal right now, a staggering 64 percent of women in the country who are currently in prison are there for brewing and selling alcohol without a license. So when local politicians call for banning khat, women in the industry worry. The plant is so important to the economic survival of the region that even schools and churches there support themselves on the proceeds from small gardens. It's more like coffee or tea,' she says. Gacheri theorizes that calls to ban khat are a specific attack on the women, like her, who support their families with the leaf. It scares them. Shafat, the founder of the Al-Amin Women's Group, lives in a house that is furnished a lot like your grandmother's house—if your grandmother were a Kenyan-Somali drug tycoon. The throw pillows are soft, the color palette is warm, and the cardamom tea is mouth-puckeringly sweet. Two days before the rumored attack at the Garissa market, Shafat says, one of her distributors, a middle-aged man named Abdi Hirig, was abducted by the terrorist group in Somalia. He has been taken. In some ways, those terrorist threats are less worrying to women in the khat industry than are standard religious objections to the drug—and to the subverted gender roles that the women who sell it represent. Many influential Islamic leaders regard the leaf as makruh detested or discouraged or haram forbidden. That stigma trickles down to women in the industry. In Eastleigh, Nairobi's predominantly Somali neighborhood, there is a rumor that when a woman who had made her fortune in the khat business tried to make a charitable donation to the local mosque, she was turned away. Nobody likes them. The garden had previously hosted roughly 50 customers a day in a beer garden—like atmosphere. To an extent, Haji is correct to assume that some of the women in the khat industry don't worry about the drug's effect on kids. It's all about how you raise them. Miraa doesn't spoil people—people spoil themselves. We pay the kids' school fees. We cook their food. We do everything. Regional politics also pose a threat. In , as disputes between Kenya and Somalia over their maritime boundary escalated, the Kenyan khat export industry took a hit. According to a statement from Kimathi Munjuri, the spokesman for the Nyambene Miraa Traders Association, khat flights from Kenya to Somalia dropped to a low of four per day from the usual He added that new Kenyan tax laws have provoked a shift in the Somali market toward khat exporters in Ethiopia. In addition to competition from Ethiopian farmers and exporters, in recent years muguka —a different variety of the Catha edulis plant—has emerged to challenge khat's formerly unquestioned dominance as Kenya's social drug of choice. Muguka is cheap, strong, and trendy—so trendy, in fact, that the mostly middle-aged and senior women who sell miraa say they can't diversify into muguka. People just won't buy it from them. But Shafat, the businesswoman who built an empire from nothing, refuses to fail. She has already launched a new collective of female entrepreneurs, called the Upendo Women's Group. This time, they specialize in soap, bleach, and disinfectant. This article was reported in partnership with the Fuller Project. Start your day with Reason. Get a daily brief of the most important stories and trends every weekday morning when you subscribe to Reason Roundup. Jillian Keenan is a contributing journalist for the Fuller Project for International Reporting, a nonprofit newsroom investigating issues that impact women. Show Comments Elizabeth Nolan Brown Liz Wolfe Tuccille Billy Binion From the November issue. Charles Oliver Search for:. Login Form. Password Required. Remember Me. Criminalization Khat is an enigma: People can't seem to agree whether it's dangerous or not. Prohibition Nevertheless, it became a criminal offense to buy, sell, or chew khat in the U. Jillian Keenan The creeping criminalization of khat has become a political issue on the African continent as well. Shafat isn't scary at all. But she has some scary stories. Competition In addition to competition from Ethiopian farmers and exporters, in recent years muguka —a different variety of the Catha edulis plant—has emerged to challenge khat's formerly unquestioned dominance as Kenya's social drug of choice. Email Required. This field is for validation purposes and should be left unchanged. End Times Liz Wolfe Brickbat: 'Attack Mode' Charles Oliver Go ad-free with Reason Plus. And get unlimited access to everything at reason. Learn More.

How can I buy cocaine online in Lamu