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Its geographical location, historical processes and economic and commercial developments have made Panama a true melting pot of cultures, in which the mestizo constitute over half of the population, while the Afro-descendants amount to around a fifth. The latter arrived there to work on the sugar plantations and were subsequently also employed on the construction sites of the interoceanic railway and those of the canal and their rooting was such as to characterize Panamanian culture. These territories, where indigenous languages are spoken, have special jurisdiction and their own institutions. Communities of recent immigrants have also taken root in Panama, arriving from all over the world and in particular from Colombia, the Dominican Republic, Venezuela, Nicaragua and China. This presence is reflected in the diversity of languages and in the multiple religious groups present in the country, even if Spanish is the official language and Catholicism the most practiced religion, followed by Protestantism. The population is concentrated above all in the capital Panama City which has around three million inhabitants, including those who live in urban areas, which constitutes the only metropolis in the country. Panama City has around three million inhabitants. The great inequality that characterizes the country can also be seen from an architectural point of view which produces a considerable visual impact that clearly highlights the great difference between the skyscrapers on the coast and the disadvantaged metropolitan areas. Panama came to the attention of world news due to the explosion of one of the most sensational tax scandals following the publication of the so-called Panama Papers. Furthermore, the country is gripped by problems not dissimilar to those that characterize other Latin American countries, among which corruption stands out. This is an enormous amount of encrypted documents, equal to Members of the Naval Service of Panama patrolling the coast. Panama is also a transit territory for drugs which flow from the South towards the United States and the rest of the Western countries. Panama, like the other Central American countries, is also a transit territory for drugs which flow from the South towards the United States and the rest of the Western countries, despite the intensification of the fight against drug smuggling, under agreements with the United States government. Despite the intensification of controls, the results obtained were quite modest also due to the large coastal area on which to land the cargo and from which to start the overland transport. The country is under the strong influence of Colombian crime, in addition to the presence on its territory of the Calabrian Ndrangheta , and the numerous murders and criminal episodes that have occurred in recent years are also linked to drug trafficking. The geographical location gives the country considerable strategic importance. The Panama Canal. The migration crisis. The challenges of the new president. The Republic of Panama constitutes the last section of the isthmus of Central America, as well as a link between different realities and geographical areas. In fact, it is bordered to the north by the Antilles Sea and to the south by the Pacific Ocean, while to the east it borders with Colombia, and therefore with the area of the South Latin American cone, and to the west with Costa Rica. There are also flat areas of modest extension, which open both to the Pacific and the Atlantic. The country has a considerable coastline of 2, km, rich in inlets, gulfs, peninsulas and islands. In addition, the country is rich in rivers, but lacks lake basins of natural origin, while the equatorial climate is characterized by high rainfall, particularly on the Caribbean side. Map of Panama. Illustration: Peter Hermes Furian. Its geographical location gives the country considerable strategic importance, but also a mix of cultures and ethnic groups that had already formed before the arrival of the conquistadors who, understanding the value of its position, made Portobelo one of the major commercial ports. This importance grew immeasurably with the opening of the Panama Canal in , which generated a real revolution in global traffic and which still today constitutes one of the major choke points at an international level. The changes produced by the Canal were such that, in the world of logistics, the Panamax unit of measurement was introduced indicating the classes of ships whose dimensions were compatible with those of the canal m long, The early twentieth century, in which this important infrastructure was created, were the years in which President Roosevelt was experimenting with his imperialistic projection into the area of Central America through the installation of a naval base in Cuba, which occurred following the Spanish defeat, and the establishment of the State of Panama which separated from Colombia precisely for issues relating to the Canal the strategic importance of which Roosevelt himself understood, also in light of the very rapid development experienced by California during those years. Excavation and removal of dirt at the Culebra Cut, Panama Canal, At first, Colombia started the construction by entrusting the work to a French company which, due to technical difficulties, was unable to proceed with the work and went bankrupt. From the ashes of this company a new one was born, which was also doomed to failure. It was at this juncture that the United States took over the operation by stipulating with the Colombian diplomatic representative in Washington, in January , a rental contract for a strip of territory between the two oceans which would have allowed them to build the Canal and some fortifications. But in August of the same year the Colombian Senate refused to ratify this contract, thus pushing the White House to support, even militarily, the Panamanian independence oligarchy that led the country to independence, achieved on 4 November The construction of the new state took place in a climate of peace between the conservative and liberal parties, a harmony symbolized in the national flag which surrounds the blue of the conservatives and the red of the liberals in white. As soon as it took office, the government of the Republic of Panama proceeded with the signing of the contract to lease the territory to the United States — the famous Hay — Bunau-Varilla Treaty — which, in exchange, gave the newly formed Republic 10 million dollars, plus an annual subsidy of thousand dollars, and guaranteed independence from possible Colombian attacks. Thus, in , the US military engineers undertook the work of the Canal and concluded it ten years later. The new infrastructure ensured Washington a hegemonic position in Latin America, but also control of the interoceanic mercantile routes, allowing it to establish itself as a guarantor of trade between the great powers. Photo: White House. During the following decades, however, this condition aroused ire and hatred on the part of the local population to the point of causing the outbreak, in , of a bloody revolt organized by activists who, in the wake of what had already happened in Egypt, were pushing for the nationalization of the Canal. The level of the protests was such that it pushed the United States to start negotiations to redefine the status of the infrastructure even if internal and regional events slowed down the course of the negotiations which reached a conclusion after a decade, with the signing of the Torrijos-Carter treaty of signed, in fact, by the presidents of Panama and the United States. Therefore, Washington committed to abandoning control of the Canal in , while remaining the guarantor of defence and non-interference in the neutrality of the management of the infrastructure. Another crucial episode in the history of the country was the coming to power in of General Noriega, former head of Panamanian intelligence. Buildings engulfed in flames following the U. National Archives. The General was a corrupt character involved in drug trafficking, but at that moment he was useful to the US cause in terms of supporting the Nicaraguan Contras fighting against the Sandinista government. But in , following his non-reconfirmation in the presidential elections, he decided to cancel the elections and still maintain power. At that point the United States, which was nevertheless projecting itself towards a new geopolitical era following the fall of the Soviet Union, intervened by force to depose the inconvenient ally, replacing him with the winning candidate Guillermo Endara. The Operation, called Just Cause, caused hundreds of victims — according to some sources up to — and led to the abolition of the Panamanian army while, in , as foreseen by the agreements, the canal zone returned to Panamanian control and US troops withdrew from the territory. Economic autonomy and autonomy of thought. These are the prerequisites for facing the great challenges that the Church of Africa is experiencing today. Father Akotia is originally from Togo, but he is used to discussing and exchanging views between two continents: his homeland, Africa, and Europe, the continent where he studied and where he often returns. With him we discuss some of the themes and challenges that the African church is experiencing today, such as inculturation, identity, autonomy, young people, synodality, homosexuality…. Inculturation was also experienced as a search for identity. Today I see a movement in reverse. Paradoxically, we are trying to be more like the West. I have the impression that we are more concerned with doing what everyone else does: in the new generations of priests, even in Africa, I see a return to traditionalism or perhaps even a certain superficiality. There is no longer any drive, not even in claiming to be ourselves. Sometimes it is a way to express the fact that we no longer want to feel inferior, that we no longer accept the lessons of others. But not in the right way. We think we are equal because we know how to do what Europeans do. It is a problem of reflection on ourselves. Who are we really? What are we capable of? What can we bring that is authentically ours? A priest giving communion in a parish in Kinshasa. File swm. From a theological point of view, Father Benjamin recognizes that it is difficult to see figures or schools emerging as there have been in the past. Also, because it is believed that in their theological reflection, they used the categories of Western thought. It was a cycle that had closed. Now, the new cycle that is timidly opening up is that of a theology that starts from African traditions, for example by rereading the Bible in the way in which we pass on our stories. During a lesson at the seminary in Huambo. But what are the great themes and challenges of the Church in Africa today? We appreciate the generosity of a mother who has nourished us, but the time has come for weaning. But this process must take place in peace to avoid unnecessary trauma. Personally, I am optimistic. I see many things being born, I see that we are becoming very inventive. And I see that the African Church is growing quickly, not only in numbers. And in any case, I believe that we have no choice. There are signs. For example, we have not yet dealt with the issues of witchcraft or polygamy in depth in an African Christian spirit, using our own schemes, and our own categories. As well as, the question of the blessing of homosexual couples, which in Africa is experienced as a marginal issue, or worse, as something imposed from elsewhere. Pastoral centre in Anchilo. Looking at the Synod on Synodality that is being celebrated this month in Rome. We talk and move forward slowly. Everyone talks. And the leader never speaks only in his own name. Young people during the procession of Palm Sunday in Kampala. On the other hand, we also see many young people who spend their days on social media that today have the effect of prolonging and amplifying the epochal cultural changes that our societies have gone through, even in their encounter with the West. They appear standardized to us, but it is only a superficial impression. And also ways of living the faith. It has been used in traditional medicine since time immemorial for the treatment of a wide range of diseases. Indeed, almost every part of this plant roots, leaves, seeds, twigs, and stem bark has been used in African traditional medicine for the treatment of various ailments and diseases. Combretum molle is commonly referred to as velvet bush willow is a medium-sized evergreen deciduous tree with a larger, straight trunk, rough bark and dense crown. The leaves are simple, opposite, densely covered by velvety hairs when immature and smoother when mature. Young leaves are attractive with light pink or orange colour. The flowers are in dense axillary spikes with greenish yellow colour, strongly scented. The fruit is four-winged, about 20mm in diameter, light green with reddish shade which turns red-brown when dry. The plant also has traditional medicinal uses and is a valuable timber. Combretum molle has been used in traditional medicine since time immemorial for the treatment of a wide range of diseases. An infusion or decoction of the roots, stem bark or leaves is taken to treat a large variety of health complications including abdominal pain, colic, constipation, intestinal worms, dysentery, fever, malaria, oedema, headache, backache, leprosy, HIV infections, cough, angina, tuberculosis and other chest complaints. The plant is used for treating jaundice and yellow fever, diarrhoea, blennorrhoea, anuria, and sometimes administered to women in childbirth to hasten the expulsion of the after-birth. It is also taken to induce abortion and to treat post-partum bleeding. The young leaves are chewed or soaked in water and the juice drunk for treatment of chest complaints. The bark is used medicinally in many parts of Africa. Combined with cereal foods, the bark is administered for the treatment of dysentery, and is used in ceremonial preparation for young children to prevent sickness and other troubles. An infusion of the inner bark is taken orally or as an enema to relieve various stomach ailments. The bark exudes a mumuye gum that can be used to treat wounds. An aqueous suspension of the powdered bark together with the mumuye gum obtained from its bark is used as a gargle and in draught for treating sore-throat. The powdered bark is applied to body sores. In some communities, the stem bark of Combretum molle have a long-standing reputation for the treatment of liver diseases, malaria and tuberculosis. The roots of Combretum molle is believed to have a variety of uses against myriads of disease conditions. The boiled root decoction of Combretum molle is administered for the treatment of constipation, headaches, leprosy, stomach pains, fever, dysentery, body swellings, snake bite, and as an anthelmintic for hookworm. The breasts are washed with a root extract as a galactagogue. A decoction of the roots, mixed with roots of several other plant species is drunk to treat impotence, syphilis and female sterility and also as an aphrodisiac. The root and leaf are used in combination as an antidote for snake bite. The leaves can also be used as an inhalant in a hot steam bath to relieve chest pains. Whitlows are treated by steeping the affected part in a leaf-decoction. The crushed dried or fresh leaves of Combretum molle can be applied directly to the wounds to enhance quick healing. The leaves are prepared as a decoction for baths and draughts or powdered and added to food in the treatment of dropsy, ascites and oedemas. A leaf decoction is used to treat itch and skin infections. The crushed fresh roots or leaves, alone or mixed with other plants are applied to snakebites. The infusion of the pounded root or stem bark can also be administered for the treatment of the snakebites. The leafy twigs in draughts and baths are used in the treatment of bronchial affections. The seeds of Combretum molle plant are widely used by traditional medicine practitioners for treatment of malaria, Human Immunodeficiency Virus HIV , and other diseases. Sometimes a fruit decoction is taken by women after a difficult delivery. The peeled twigs are used as chewing sticks in order to clean the teeth and maintain oral hygiene. Apart from its uses in African Traditional Medicine to treat and manage human diseases, Combretum molle is also used in veterinary medicine where the leaves are fed to sheep to treat intestinal worms. The leaves are browsed by cattle. The bark exudes a gum known as mumuye gum which at times is used as a substitute for gum-arabic which is obtained from Acacia senegal L. A yellow dye is obtained from the roots. Marked by decades of political instability and conflict, Sudanese artists narrate the complex reality of their country through works that reflect their identity, originality and resilience. Riahiem Shadad is an art curator. He owned an art gallery in Khartoum, the capital of Sudan, called Downtown Gallery, where nine artists from his country were represented. However, the civil war that began in destroyed the gallery. Providentially, Rahiem had started preparing a travelling exhibition a year earlier, with the intention of taking it to several European countries. He owned an art gallery in Khartoum. Photo: Laura M. With the current war, we have added two videos and there is an additional painting, by Bakri Moaz, done later, of a woman walking next to a tank. At the moment, the paintings by Waleed Mohammed on display are the only three that remain from his studio. The same goes for Rashid Diab. That the collection in his house in Sudan was lost is absurd. I have been there several times and there were hundreds of paintings and works. Works by Sudanese artists on display in Madrid. Sudanese artists are, for the most part, quite classical. If they use oil, they paint everything in oil. However, with the three artists I mentioned, you can immediately see that they break the rules. Dawelbait paints on wood and then scrapes it off. This is an unusual practice, especially for artists his age. Rashid uses monochrome to create colour transitions and then paints over them, accentuating the impression of depth and movement. Miska paints landscapes. His subjects are classical, but he draws with horizontal lines and uses green and blue colours that are not the usual yellows and browns, more common in nature in Sudan. The Sudanese artist reflects experience The older artists of the group of nine works in this travelling exhibition—which has been shown in Paris, Madrid, and Lisbon—represent a generation that lived through the Arabization of the regime of al-Bashir, president of Sudan from to At the time, everyone had to obey a model that greatly limited expression and individuality. Mohammed A. Otaybi, for example, paints African faces as masks with Arabic calligraphy. It is a statement against the government, a denunciation of what it was trying to do by forcing Sudanese people to be Arabs and Muslims. His paintings say that there is an African identity mixed with an Arab one. A woman walks towards a tank by artist Bakri Moaz. Her work is located between the public and the private and is very personal. In his paintings, there is a personal search, but relevant to many individuals who are going through the same identity issues. The impact expected from the exhibition Rahiem Shadad hopes the exhibition will help people understand what Sudan is and see it differently, humanising its history and the numbers, such as the twenty million deaths the war has already caused, while also identifying those who are struggling to survive. Our fellow artist Waleed Mohammed is one of them. This is a humanising story. We cannot communicate with him. I am sure he has lost half his weight because there is no food. There is nothing in Khartoum. The So, I hope that if something can be done, it will be done. In addition to the exhibition, we provide information and there is a lot of documentation on the Internet about how to help. The nine artists are scattered across six countries. Rashid Diab, artist and researcher. Rashid Diab is one of them. He lives in Spain. An affable character, he says he is sad. The war in his country made him lose everything: work, home, the gallery… According to the news, everything has been destroyed. Economic crisis. The burden of foreign debt. Education in collapse. Episodes of xenophobia. The conflict in Gaza aggravates the situation. Since taking power in , President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi has focused on major infrastructure projects to establish his power. Over the last decade, Egyptian governments have spent tens of billions of dollars on megaprojects and international events, including the creation of a new capital and the organization of Cop27 in Sharm el-Sheikh in CC BY 4. The brand-new road networks south of the capital open onto the suburbs of the Zahraa Al Maadi area. Far from the typical aggregation centres of Cairo, a new and different urban planning model is developing. Under the viaducts, and in the pedestrian areas, cafes and restaurants attract wealthy citizens. But although the new system appears clean, organized and impeccable, it hides the chronic difficulties of the city, and more generally of the country. Some causes of the crisis, not directly attributable to the al-Sisi cycle, date back decades. The lack of industrial development due to poor planning and burdensome bureaucracy, and the export policies that have created a persistent trade deficit, are heavy burdens to carry. Added to these are other chronic problems that Egypt has been with for decades. Corruption, property rights and weak institutions, as well as an overbearing state and military that continue to discourage investment and competition. The litmus test of these phenomena can be seen in the high rate of emigration from the North African country. According to Prime Minister Mostafa Madbouli, in the number of Egyptians abroad has reached 12 million. Closing the vicious circle is the state of public education — close to collapse. A dynamic that pushes many graduates to look for work outside Egypt. In an already complicated context, the pandemic and the Russian invasion of Ukraine have further fuelled inflation. The North African country has therefore turned increasingly eastward, to the other side of the Red Sea. Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates have become fundamental partners for the stability of Egypt. But if on the one hand, loans and guarantees helped the Cairo government avoid default, on the other, great discontent was generated over what it all cost. In the beginning, it was the islands of Tiran and Sanafir, located in the Red Sea and sold to Riyadh in for 20 billion dollars in investments. Scapegoats And while the militarization of the Egyptian economy is a long-standing problem that is plaguing the country, on the streets we can see the clear symptoms of a suffering society, while the tensions of those who see no future ahead are projected outward. The main signals come from episodes of racism and xenophobia towards migrants. According to data from the World Organization for Migration IOM , in addition to the almost thousand asylum seekers, around 9 million people of different nationalities live in Egypt. Sudanese, Yemeni and Syrian passports are the most numerous. As reported by several NGOs and think tanks, cases of violence against these communities are commonplace, while the authorities prefer not to intervene. Displaced Palestinians set up their tents next to the Egyptian border. Episodes of xenophobia are also recorded against Egyptian populations. The Nubians, an ethnic group from the south of the country, endure a fate similar to that of migrants. Considered second-class citizens, they have been denouncing the brutality and repression of the authorities for years. In this context, the Gaza crisis risks triggering a social bomb. The conflict in the Strip is weighing on all three of these revenue streams, making the issue of displaced Gazans in the North African country even more sensitive. A vision which on the one hand gives a glimmer of hope to the Egyptian government, but on the other hand does not take into account the possible consequences of a further authoritarian spiral and the impact in economic terms on the lives of Egyptians and non-Egyptians alike. Open Photo: A great pyramid at Giza. Giuseppe Allamano, founder of the Consolata Missionaries will be canonized on October 20th. Mission must be given the best. Educated in solid Christian virtues by his mother, the sister of Saint Joseph Cafasso, he then went to the school of Don Bosco, another illustrious fellow countryman. With firm intent, he responded to the call of the Lord and, having become a priest on September 20, , he would have liked to devote himself to pastoral ministry but his archbishop assigned him to the formation of seminarians at the major seminary of the diocese of Turin. Giuseppe Allamano, founder of the Consolata Missionaries. He distinguished himself for his firmness in principles and his gentleness in asking for their implementation. At the same time, he continued his studies, obtaining a degree in theology from the Theological Faculty of Turin, and a qualification for university teaching. He was later appointed an adjunct member of the Faculty of Canon and Civil Law and also held the position of Dean in both Faculties. In , he was appointed Rector of the sanctuary and the Ecclesiastical Convitto della Consolata. From then until his death, his activity always took place in the shadow of the Marian sanctuary of the diocese. He found it physically dilapidated and spiritually decayed. He took care of its restoration, expansion and embellishment, and increased its pastoral, liturgical and associative activity. Consolata missionaries in the mission of Catrimani, in the land of the indigenous Yanomami people, in Amazonia. Photo MC. It became a centre of Marian spirituality and pastoral initiatives. He also contributed with the charisma with which he was endowed by God to advise, comfort and direct. People of all walks of life experienced the secrets of his enlightened mind and his great heart. He reopened and directed the Ecclesiastical Convitto for the preparation of young priests for the apostolate. He took their spiritual, intellectual and pastoral priestly formation very seriously, updating it to new situations and needs. To give them a model, he undertook the Cause of Canonization of Cafasso, whose Beatification he had the joy of seeing on May 3, He gave new vigour to the house for spiritual exercises annexed to the sanctuary. Driven by powerful zeal for the good of his brothers and by a lively sense of the universal Mission of the Church, he broadened his horizons to the entire world. He found it unnatural that in his Church, fruitful with so many charitable institutions, there was not one dedicated solely to the missions. He decided to remedy this and to help those who were animated by the missionary ideal to realize their vocation. In he founded the Institute of Missionaries and in that of the Consolata Missionaries Sisters. While continuing his numerous commitments in the diocese, he devoted his main care to them, forming them in the spirit that he believed he had received from the Lord. Convinced that the Mission must be given the best, he aimed at quality rather than number. On May 8, , the first four missionaries, two priests and two lay brothers left for Kenya, soon followed by others. Giuseppe Allamano died on February 16, , in Turin at the Consolata sanctuary. He will be canonized on October 20, World Mission Day. Starting from their lay state of life, they feel called to evangelisation and take on the lifestyle and spirituality of the Consolata, departing and committing themselves for a considerable period of time to a missionary project. Currently, the missionaries fathers and brothers are almost and the missionary sisters are almost They are present in 33 countries. The musical richness of the continent continues has been ignored. However, the probable reasons behind this omission are discouraging. Africa is still perceived musically as an unknown territory that more often than not arouses consternation, if not a lack of interest. Apple Music has simply chosen to ignore the reviled continent with its endless array of A-list musicians. Like the vast continent, the African musical tradition is equally heterogeneous, changing a lot based on the historical periods and regions of origin. It is not always easy to find your way around this variety. Look at Kendrick Lamar. When the American hip-hop superstar was chosen to oversee the soundtrack of the Afrofuturist-themed Hollywood blockbuster Black Panther, he basically limited himself to randomly choosing a group of artists mostly from the southern regions of the continent, South Africa in particular. From the experience of Black Panther, it clearly emerges that the rapper had no idea how to bring artists from the continent together organically. His selection ended up giving life to a fragmented and above all poorly representative ensemble of the enormous musical richness of the region. Lamar, in response, appears completely incredulous and not at all sure what to do with all the knowledge Jones instilled. In short, despite the great cultural connection that exists between America and Africa, confusion still reigns supreme. CC BY 2. In fact, each of the regions of the continent is home to incredibly varied musical traditions and genres: just naming them makes you dizzy. Their hymn to mystery, the dignity and value of the creative majesty of the Malian soul deserve to be known. Unfortunately, in the West, there are very few circles that recognize and appreciate the greatness of these artists. Obviously, Aya Nakamura also deserves a special mention, a Malian-born singer based in France who has been churning out global hits for some time now. Discord Often however, what is celebrated in the West is not what is popular in Africa, and vice versa. For example, the South African a cappella group Ladysmith Black Mambazo, winner of Grammy Awards and constantly on tour in the USA and Great Britain, is respected at home but is certainly not considered as one of the most avant-garde groups. And the same can be said of the flautist Wouter Kellerman, also a winner of several Grammys. Ladysmith Black Mambazo is a South African male choral group singing in the local vocal styles of isicathamiya and mbube. The impression then is that Western critics and opinion leaders have their own preconceived idea of what African music should be. Everything that is outside this imagery is usually simply ignored, while those who enter it end up enjoying a certain recognition. As well as the alternative rap duo Die Antwoord, at least until their recent social oblivion. A success that does not, however, translate into greater consideration from critics. Examples of a misalignment as to how artists are received at home and abroad. From Johannesburg to Cape Town After all, the South African scene is truly complex and we understand the difficulty encountered by non-local markets in accommodating all this variety. Modern and traditional genres then present further specificities and differences. Popular styles such as maskandi , mbaqanga and iscathamiya sit alongside jazz, gospel, neo-soul and hip-hop. Each of these variations has its enthusiastic fan base, its awards and its recognitions. Ultimately, each genre relies on its systems and networks to take root in the territory. And we are referring here to only one of the 55 countries in the region. Each of these, in turn, presents a musical scene that changes in heterogeneity and complexity. It almost seems that for the West all this is too much and that it is therefore more convenient to ignore a large part of all this musical wealth. At the top There ought to be some exceptions. Billboard magazine, which publishes relaunched charts all over the world, also seems to be following the same path. From these extensive forays into the European and American music scenes, much infrastructure is developed, further networks are created and more and more inroads are made. Burna Boy can fill entire European stadiums and people like Davido, Wizkid and Asake prove that they are no different. Afrobeats and amapiano are fresh and popular genres. They manage to cross several dividing lines transversely. Afrobeats artists are increasingly gaining a place in other geographical spaces, collaborating on hits around the world with European, US, Caribbean and Latin American artists. Musicians from other regions find the style, native to Nigeria, simply irresistible, characterized as it is by infectious rhythms, joyful inspirations and profound sensibilities. Open Photorf. American administrations have always been close to the state of Israel. Democrats and Republicans adopt more or less the same policies. Among the Gazans, little hope for change. The presidential elections will be held in the United States on November 5. Until a few months ago, the road to the White House seemed clear for Trump, because Biden was in trouble due to his health. And the outcome of the electoral competition today is far from certain. Generally, it is domestic politics that influence the vote of Americans, in particular the economy, work and security. Since the beginning of the military offensive against Gaza — following the armed operation by Hamas on October 7, — the Americans have been supplying weapons to Tel Aviv and supporting it diplomatically. This despite the apparent political differences between Biden and Netanyahu in managing the conflict. To date, according to the Hamas Health Minister, the Palestinian victims number more than 40,, of which more than 16 thousand are children. And it is estimated that the missing under the rubble are more than 10, In the eyes of many countries and international institutions — and even some Jewish intellectuals — what is happening in Gaza is genocide. But faced with the appeal of the international community to stop the war, Netanyahu turns a deaf ear. Indeed, he is trying to extend it to the rest of the Middle East, provoking Iran. This shows that Tel Aviv is not interested in negotiations to stop the war against Gaza because you cannot assassinate the leader of the other side with whom you are negotiating to find a solution to the conflict. But even more serious was the violation of the sovereignty of Iranian territory in defiance of international law, which Israel has never respected. Last April, Israel bombed the Iranian consulate in Damascus. With these operations, the Netanyahu-led government aims to drag Iran into war. In this scenario, the US and its European allies would be forced to enter the conflict. In America, many Republican parliamentarians support this idea. It should be remembered that in Congress, many, both Republicans and Democrats, are financially supported by the pro-Israel lobby AIPAC, in particular and therefore fully support the policies of the Israeli government. This lobby has always influenced the presidential elections in the US. And so, it will also have a decisive role in the November elections. Netanyahu relies heavily on Zionist pressure groups. This is why the Israeli prime minister is dragging out the war against Gaza while waiting for the inauguration of the new president, hoping that it will be Trump, his great ally. Photo rf. The city in the north of the country is the main hub of the migration routes towards the Mediterranean. In , the EU imposed a law that criminalized the transport and activities related to fleeing people. The coup junta repealed it. Ousmane Mamou, a young Guinean, is waiting in front of a petrol station in Agadez in the middle of the desert of Niger. In life, Ousmane is a passeur : he organizes the journey of migrants who want to reach the coast of the Mediterranean and from there try to reach Europe. Until a few months ago it was impossible to have an open conversation with people who carry out this profession. The city administers a desert region that covers half the territory of Niger. The city administers a desert region that covers half the territory of Niger and in recent decades has become a pole of interest for Western European leaders, because some of the main migratory routes that lead from sub-Saharan Africa to the Mediterranean pass through here. The transit of migrants to Libya and Algeria has always been considered a legitimate activity that provided thousands of families with a decent income and created related activities and economic impulse. Suddenly in , after the entry into force of the law adopted under strong pressure from the European Union, hundreds of drivers, facilitators and passers usually based here were prosecuted and arrested. Ousmane experienced all this. Arriving in Agadez as a migrant, he decided to enter the business. In he was arrested by the Nigerien police and after two and a half years in prison in Niamey, he was released. A few weeks ago, he returned to the scene. In the Dubai neighbourhood, homes are barely visible behind high iron gates. When the law was in force, migrants were forced to live locked up in these homes for months, in difficult conditions, until the day the facilitators managed to help them leave. There is no furniture inside, people sleep on the floor on mats. Outside there is usually a courtyard where people eat and from there is access to common latrines. In fact, Law did not stem the flow but only forced passers and migrants to avoid official roads, using more dangerous routes, where there were neither points of reference nor the possibility of asking for help. The data shows that irregular immigration to Europe from the Mediterranean has increased, as has the number of victims in the desert who remain mostly undocumented. Kaba, a migrant from Sierra Leone, is not afraid of this. He is waiting for more money from friends in Europe to be able to continue his journey and become an electrician there. They used to ask you questions and arrest you for your documents. Now all you need is the money. A former bus driver, Khalifa fled after a fatal accident that almost led to his lynching. In the desert there is the risk of being stuck and being attacked by bandits or terrorists. Now, however, it is difficult to have data on the flow of people because after the coup the activity of humanitarian organizations on the spot has decreased. In the city, in the area around the bus stations, stalls sell everything you need for the trip: clothes, food, water cans and cell phone batteries. The houses around the central station have been used as garages, where several pick-ups in line are tuned up and loaded with as much goods as possible. Once the law came into force, he fled to avoid arrest. Many drivers have turned to drug and weapons trafficking, as well as banditry. Each migrant pays a tax of one thousand CFA. Now we know who comes in and out. Now, however, everything that does not respect our sovereignty is called into question by the new government. This is why we are all on their side. The country is preparing for the next presidential elections which will be held on October 27th. The Frente Amplio is currently ahead in the polls. We retrace the political and economic path of this South American country. Located on the Atlantic side of the Southern Cone, and second in extension only to Suriname, Uruguay is the smallest country in South America with a surface area of , thousand km2. Its size also appears reduced considering that the country is nestled between the two South American giants, Argentina and Brazil, from which it obtained independence in and with which it shares borders of km to the west and 1, km to the east, with the remaining km of coast washed by the Atlantic Ocean. From a historical point of view, Uruguay represents an exception within the South American continent since, unlike neighbouring countries, it has not undergone the experience of long dictatorial periods, except that which occurred from to Photo Archive. Not only from a political but also from a social point of view, Uruguay is unique since it was the first country in the area to admit divorce even at the sole will of the wife in , to extend suffrage to women in and to found a truly secular state, equipped with an advanced welfare state system. These were factors which in those years made it become a model for avid supporters of liberalism. Overall, the system took shape as the unprecedented democratic version of an interventionist state, led by a charismatic leader and structured on a two-party system, the Colorados as the expression of the city bourgeoisie and the Masonic lodges, and the Blancos of agrarian inspiration and Catholic brand, whose alternation characterized Uruguayan political life. The s began to overshadow that period of splendour that had characterized Uruguay up to that point. These measures, however, contrary to expectations, worsened the economic situation to the point of generating a process of unification of different social segments — such as the working class and students — who aspired to obtain political representation that differed from that of the two parallel parties and was historically convergent in the government of the country. It is in the described panorama of irritation and discouragement due to the insensitivity of a political class now in disarray and the obstinacy of the strong powers, that a group of politically prepared and determined people sanctioned the birth of the Tupamaros Nacional Liberation Movement in MLN , among whose exponents was the future President Pepe Mujica. In , the Colorados returned to power and applied a bloody repressive policy which, contrary to predictions, contributed to increasing guerrilla actions in urban areas. The political forces represented in parliament, with the exception of the Frente Amplio — a movement that had entered the scene in bringing together the democratic and progressive forces and supported by the MLN — agreed on the suspension of individual rights and on the declaration of a state of war, entrusting, for the first time in Uruguay, the defence of national sovereignty to the armed forces. A Consejo de Seguridad Nacional was also established made up of soldiers and civilians which worked to suspend political activities with the closure of parliament and traditional parties and implemented ferocious repression with arrests and deportations. Parade of the army of Uruguay. In , for the first time in Uruguay, the political parties entrusted the defence of national sovereignty to the armed forces. Even the military, obviously, relied on liberalist recipes to deal with economic imbalances, significantly reducing the role of the State with the aim of reinvigorating demand and market forces, aiming mainly at relaunching exports in the agri-food sector. These manoeuvres, however, which had very heavy costs in terms of the real economy, did not have the desired effect; on the contrary, they led the country towards a terrible and burdensome indebtedness, exposing it in to a foreign debt four times greater than the total exports the military junta had aimed for. He was the first democratically elected president after twelve years of military dictatorship. This unfortunate dictatorial parenthesis ended, at least formally, in when the presidential elections placed the civilian Julio M. Sanguinetti at the helm of the country. A member of the Colorado party, he was, moreover, reluctant to free himself from the protection of the army, benefiting on the contrary from its protection to repress the strikes and mass mobilizations that again affected the country in those years. This last date marked the end of the Uruguayan bipartisanship that was mainly responsible for the economic crisis and the military coup. Open Photo: Uruguay Flag. The Longonjo mine is attracting interest from foreign governments and companies, including the British ones. Three hundred and twenty kilometres. This is the distance by rail that separates the port of Lobito, the largest in Angola, from Longonjo, a town in the central-western province of Huambo. According to estimates by the British company Pensana, responsible for the project entrusted in the field to its subsidiary Ozango Minerais, the Longonjo mine has reserves equal to 30 million tonnes of critical minerals, mainly containing neodymium and praseodymium. The mixed rare earth carbonate Mrec obtained will be used for the production of permanent magnets used for the construction of electric vehicle engines and wind turbines. The cargoes will travel along the Lobito railway line, which from the Angolan port extends inland for 1, kilometres reaching Kolwezi, in the Democratic Republic of Congo, and only 5 kilometres from the Longonjo site. It is on railway line that the precious minerals extracted in Congo, Zambia and Angola can reach the Atlantic outlet and from there the international markets. And this is where the interests of foreign players come into play. The concession that Pensana obtained in Longonjo from the Angolan government in is valid for 35 years. The Longonjo mine has reserves equal to 30 million tonnes of critical minerals, mainly containing neodymium and praseodymium. Together with the company, the Sovereign Fund of Angola is also investing in the mine 2. The Longonjo mine is just one part of a much larger plan designed by the British government. At the end of , with a loan of million euros, disbursed through Export Finance, London entered the race to develop the Lobito corridor, a real challenge in this quadrant of southern Africa in which China, the United States and the European Union. But there is more. The Canadian Ivanhoe Mines in November obtained exploration permits in an area of over 22 thousand km2 in the provinces of Moxico and Cuando Cubango, in the eastern part of the country. A few months earlier, in August, the Minister of Economy and Industry of Japan, Nishimura Yasutoshi, had flown to Angola to sign a cooperation agreement between the two countries in the fields of trade and investment. The country has 36 of 51 minerals classified as critical, including chromium, cobalt, graphite, lead, lithium and nickel. For Washington, grabbing even just part of these resources would mean gaining points over Beijing in the ongoing global energy transition process. The Angolan government is, however, aware of the need to gradually distance itself from the exploitation of its two main resources: diamonds and oil. Also in , Angola was the third largest crude oil producer in Africa, after Nigeria and Libya, as well as the largest offshore oil producer. Within the next five years, in addition to Longonjo, other rare earth mines should also be operational in the provinces of Uige, Cuanza-Norte and Huila. It is an ambitious path, but there is no shortage of obstacles. Starting with anti-personnel mines, a legacy of the civil war and which remain scattered in various areas of the country. Other critical factors are represented by corruption st place out of in the latest Transparency International Corruption Perception Index , the scarcity of water which complicates mining activities, and the dangerous conditions in which miners are forced to work, with deaths and cases of silicosis commonplace. If in the coming years the government does not get to grips with these structural limits by introducing stringent safety regulations in these workplaces, there is a real risk that the country will transform into yet another African mining state. Open Photo: Longonjo Minesite. Photo Courtesy: Pensana. Forced to flee Colombia, she has managed to rebuild her life in Ecuador. Now she defends the human rights of migrants and in particular of…. There was a man who had an only son. When the man died, the son was left all alone in the world. There were not many…. The latest African Youth Survey from the Ichikowitz Family Foundation, a leading African foundation promoting active citizenship across the continent, provides a comprehensive look at the…. Twitter Facebook Instagram. Southworld Latest Posts Page. Lobito Port. Older posts. Newer posts. Photo Gallery — Bangladesh. Tejgao, Railway as home e. Advocacy Angie Torres. A refugee among refugees. Now she defends the human rights of migrants and in particular of… Read more. Baobab Brazil. The violin's sound. There were not many… Read more.
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