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Profile of Drug Abusers

How can I buy cocaine online in Cagayan de Oro

You have full access to this open access chapter. The everyday lives of contemporary youth are awash with chemicals to boost pleasure, energy, sexual performance, appearance, and health. What do pills, drinks, sprays, powders, and lotions do for youth? What effects are youth seeking? The ChemicalYouth ethnographies presented here, based on more than five years of fieldwork conducted in Amsterdam, Brooklyn, Cayagan de Oro, Paris, Makassar, Puerto Princesa, and Yogyakarta, show that young people try out chemicals together, compare experiences, and engage in collaborative experiments. ChemicalYouth: Navigating Uncertainty: In Search of the Good Life makes a case for examining a broader range of chemicals that young people use in their everyday lives. It focuses not just on psychoactive substances—the use of which is viewed with concern by parents, educators, and policymakers—but all the other chemicals that young people use to boost pleasure, moods, vitality, appearance, and health, purposes for using chemicals that have received far less scholarly attention. It takes the use of chemicals as situated practices that are embedded in social relations and that generate shared understandings of efficacy. More specifically, it seeks to answer the question: how do young people balance the benefits and harms of chemicals in their quest for a good life? You have full access to this open access chapter, Download chapter PDF. My friend Hannah is worried. Her year-old son Fedde is traveling through Australia, as some young people do after completing high school, and he is broke. He intends to sign up as a paid volunteer for a clinical trial in Sydney to finance the rest of his travels. Hannah wonders if she should advise against doing this. Having worked for years on issues of pharmaceutical safety, I ask for details during our dinner-table conversation. What kind of drug is involved? Is it an early trial? Surely if something goes wrong he is in good hands. Do you know what he experiments with when he is in Amsterdam? I came of age in the and s, and was engaged in activism against pharmaceutical company misinformation and greed. I scrutinize the safety profiles of pharmaceuticals; I buy organic food, checking its origins; and I take detours when cycling to work to avoid streets that have bad air quality. How do youth today experience the chemical environments in which they grow up? What do chemicals do for them? After more dinner-table discussions with my daughter and her friends, and exploratory talks with other young people, I became intrigued by how many young people are embracing all kinds of substances, whether to feel good, be creative, have more focus, or stamina, or meet some other purpose. And why do they do what they do? There are four broad trends in this body of research: one set of studies defines substance use as risky behavior, something that needs to be prevented by understanding the determinants of use. These surveys show that factors such as education, poverty, violence, and peer pressure are associated with drug use for example, Assanangkornchai et al. For example, a study of cannabis experimentation among French teenagers found that one out of five 8th to 10th graders had tried cannabis Jovic et al. The researchers report that teenagers of low socioeconomic status who were living with both parents, feeling well monitored, and had good communication with their mothers were less likely to experiment with cannabis than those who did not like school and felt undervalued by teachers. A second group of studies maintains that drug use is often a survival strategy for young people growing up in risky environments and under conditions of structural violence Bourgois ; Rhodes ; Pilkington ; Singer Lasco examines how a group of young men, working stand-by as tambays and hoping to pick up odd jobs in a harbor in the Philippines, use methamphetamine, locally known as shabu, for strength, confidence, and disinhibition. Where will we gets the confidence to talk to others, if not from shabu? To help them manage irregular working hours, they use methamphetamines to stay awake, and cannabis and alcohol to fall asleep. A third, very different set of studies examines substance use as a kind of self-optimization, fueled by pharma campaigns and neoliberal policies that call on citizens to take responsibility for their own well-being Rose For example, fraternity members at a college in the southeastern United States use the ADHD drug Adderall off-label when they have to perform academically even though they have no medical diagnosis, as well as for recreational purposes DeSantis et al. A final group of studies emphasizes the pleasures of taking drugs Moore and Miles ; Hunt et al. For example, weekend raves allow young people to have a break from pressures in their lives Moore and Miles ; Riley et al. The project that this book is about, ChemicalYouth, made a case for examining a broader range of chemicals that young people use in their everyday lives. It focuses not just on psychoactive substances—the use of which is viewed with concern by parents, educators, and policymakers—but all other chemicals that young people use to boost pleasure, mood, vitality, appearance, and health, more general dynamics that have received far less scholarly attention. It approaches the use of chemicals as situated practices that are embedded in social relations and that generate shared understandings of efficacy. More specifically, it seeks to answer the question: how do young people balance the benefits and harms of chemicals in the quest for a good life? This analytical approach encompasses the wide-ranging multitude of chemical practices, and the diverse situations and concerns that fuel these practices in everyday life. Focusing on practices, we find out what young people do with chemicals and why. Our approach overcomes the limitations of the youth drug-use studies that we reviewed above, which focus on the role risk environments in drug use and on particular kinds of reasons for taking drugs survival, self-optimization, pleasure. Approaching chemical practices as embodied arrays of human activity further provides insights into how chemical effects are experienced and the shared understandings that emerge through the exchange of experiences and practices. We show how over time, chemical experimentation can develop into more habitual and individualized use of chemicals, as Mimi Nichter also observes in her ethnography of smoking on a college campus. When chemical use is routine, concerns about balancing safety and harm become less prominent. These fine-grained ethnographies of situated chemical practices, provide profound understandings of the everyday dynamics through which youth mitigate chemical harm and navigate risk and uncertainty across diverse social worlds, contributing to a growing body of critical studies that examine the complex webs of social practices, power dynamics, gender and race relations, and inequalities that shape risk Zinn and Olofsson ; Nygren and Olofsson The ChemicalYouth project examined chemical practices in great detail. We observed how young people chewed, snorted, injected, and ingested diverse chemicals; how they applied them to their skin; and how they mixed and carefully dosed drugs to optimize effects. We asked why chemicals were used in specific ways, which led to insights into the diverse aspirations that youth try to achieve by doing chemicals as well as the conditions of precarity that fuel their use. We also probed into how they sought to prevent harm, which led to insights into how they adjusted dosages, mixed substances, and sought substitutes to balance benefits and harms. We found that benefits and harms are not only physical. Youth also seek social efficacies, such as having the confidence to connect with clients, while seeking to avoid negative social effects, such as being stigmatized by peers for not moderating their intake of drugs. Such balancing acts are rarely individual. The collaborative nature of chemical use may come as a surprise, as young people might be expected to compete with each other for educational opportunities and jobs. But fieldwork suggests that desires for social bonding are stronger than competition, driving chemical use. Our observations resonate with the analysis of Callon and colleagues , who point out that in an uncertain world characterized by rapid technological change, the division between professional and laypeople is outdated. They emphasize the importance of collective experimentation and learning in hybrid forums, in which professionals, experts, and ordinary citizens come together, to discuss the risks of GMO, mobile phones, and asbestos. Our interlocutors consulted and contributed to online forums and websites, scrutinized package inserts and prescription guides, and sought advice from relatives or friends with medical knowledge or pharmacy backgrounds. The collaborative nature of experiments is highly visible in online drug forums Berning and Hardon , as illustrated by this exchange, in which a drug user who calls himself GTCharged asks for advice on how to use Soma a potent painkiller on the website Drugsandbooze. I just got prescribed Soma mg. Can you snort this pill? Will it kick in faster? I think it burns like a mother fucker if I remember correctly so if you can deal with the pain give it a shot. I personally never felt the need to snort it, just eating them worked great. In our analysis of how young people do chemicals, and what chemicals do for youth, we took as a point of departure the idea that efficacies are not fixed but fluid Hardon and Sanabria Young people through their situated practices and collaborative experiments make chemicals act in specific ways. We began with the premise that chemicals are rendered efficacious in laboratories, manufacturing plants, therapeutic settings where they are prescribed, drug stores where they are sold, and everyday lives where they are used. Medical and toxicological research, commercial interests, and societal concerns all shape the effects that are actualized. The ChemicalYouth project asks how, at the end of this trajectory, youth generate new understandings of what chemicals can do, by trying them out and tinkering with them to generate specific efficacies that matter in their everyday lives. Many of our interlocutors also sold products in stores or to their peers, or worked as distributors in multilevel marketing schemes. Social media influencers, in particular, promoted products and were compensated for their efforts by advertising agencies and manufacturers, thereby amplifying the circulation of positive information on products. In examining the ever-emergent nature of chemical efficacy, we pay attention not only to how chemicals are made but also how they are made meaningful. In developing this analytical framework, we are inspired by Ingold who proposes a shift from studying objects to knowing materials, which requires following matter as it flows from one situation to the next. The chemicals used by our interlocutors are derived from plants, mined, or engineered in laboratories and production plants. This shared knowledge contributes to fluid efficacies by arousing expectations of beneficial effects. Consider the packaging of a popular Indonesian energy drink called KukuBima Fig. Picture taken by Anita Hardon, October 15, , Indonesia. The manufacturers package the product as a sachet, containing a very sweet, grape-flavored powder and a combination of active ingredients, including caffeine and ginseng. As we elaborate in Chapter 6 , some men working in the port of Makassar use this product to keep up their physical stamina, while others take it after work to enhance their virility ginseng is known to be a potency-enhancing herbal medicine. Our interlocutors mixed the powder into water the cheapest option and different kinds of drinks. When dissolved in Sprite, they expected the product to kick in quickly; dissolving it in milk was thought to add nutritional content to the drink, a benefit if one suffers from fatigue. There is a substantial body of critical social science literature that analyzes how pharmaceutical companies reinform their products to increase the market for their products. Companies link their drugs to the lifestyle desires of new groups of users, rebranding pills and attractively packaging them Droney ; Ecks and Basu ; Quintero and Nichter ; Wolf-Meyer Greenslit , for example, describes how Pfizer successfully reinformed its blockbuster drug fluoxetine the active ingredient of Prozac for the treatment for premenstrual dysphoric disorder, giving the pill a pink color and calling it Sarafem. Critical social scientists point out that research on pharmaceutical efficacy is generally funded by pharmaceutical corporations and investment banks, which seek to increase sales and maximize profits Dumit ; Healy ; Sismondo ; Sunder Rajan The ChemicalYouth ethnographies suggest that something similar is going on in the informing of chemicals through collaborative experiments by youth. Positive effects are amplified through face-to-face and online exchanges of experiences, sometimes paid for by manufacturers who see the potential of social media to market their products. Each chapter provides a box featuring the short biographies of the youth ethnographers whose case studies are highlighted in the chapters. The full studies are available at chemicalyouth. The research team conducted multisited fieldwork in Amsterdam, Paris, Makassar, Yogyakarta, Cagayan de Oro, Puerto Princesa, and Brooklyn from early to late , with additional ethnographies conducted by an associated researcher in Addis Ababa. They are spaces of interaction that gather young people, ideas, and material objects and practices from around the world, creating gateways to a wider world of opportunities Nilan and Feixa ; Hansen Our interlocutors faced diverse challenges and led multifaceted lives—as students, workers, designers, lovers, and social media influencers—that changed over time, along with their educational trajectories, work engagements, migration processes, and social affiliations. They connected to each other and to opportunities through kinship networks and social media, facilitated by mobile phones and their rapidly increasing access to the internet. Following Butler a , we use precariousness to refer to vulnerabilities that emerge from life itself, in the sense that we need others to survive. While precariousness is shared, it is not the same for all. We examined across our sites, the regulatory structures that do or do not protect young people from chemical harm, gender dynamics and racial inequalities that fuel consumption of hazardous products, and labor policies, all of which render their lives insecure. Across our sites young people are losing their jobs, with huge variations in their capacity to protect themselves and each other from the new coronavirus, and large inequalities in opportunities for government support to mitigate the economic downturn. Across the urban centers where we did fieldwork, youth encountered a bewildering array of chemical products in drugstores, supermarkets, pharmacies, and online shops, which they strategically used to feel well and remain productive at work. And, they are targeted by advertisements for beauty products, pharmaceuticals, e- cigarettes, energy drinks, vitamins and supplements through their Instagram and Facebook accounts, TV and radio, and by posters hanging at neighborhood stores. The advertising images moreover amplify the potential benefits of chemicals, rendering any toxicities they may entail invisible. Our interlocutors were roughly between the ages of 18 and 30 when we conducted fieldwork. Although increased access to education, and images that they view online fuel dreams for a better future, the precariousness of their everyday lives led the youth we spoke with to doubt if their aspirations could really be achieved see also Butler b ; Vallas and Prener ; Lorey The future becomes even more bleak in settings where people are directly affected by the impact of climate change, including Cagayan de Oro and Makassar, where heavy floods have resulted in increased economic insecurity for young people and their kin. To increase their chances of success, they were eager to learn new competencies, make new local and global connections, refashion their styles, and groom their faces and bodies Liechty ; Rofel ; Lukose ; Cole ; Newell ; Hann These desires for a better future made them an easy target market for corporations seeking to sell a whole range of chemicals, deploying advertisements to reinforce and fuel desires through an ever-expanding range of communication channels. At the same time their eagerness to succeed in life spurred them to set themselves up as mediators and movers in the same commodity markets, if only to make some money to pay for their chemical needs. While job prospects differed across the urban sites, our interlocutors shared concerns about precarious labor conditions. Most had to contend with temporary employment, as technological advances have made routine and manual jobs scarce. Across our field sites, the service sector was the largest employer of youth, providing both formal and informal jobs in banks, malls, markets, household services, the emerging wellness industry, transport, restaurants and bars, and more. In the European cities, labor laws and state unemployment benefits offered some protection, while in the Asian cities being jobless or having to tend to family health crises could result in acute poverty. As a result, their educational careers and economic aspirations could be seriously disrupted. Across our ethnographic sites, we explored the situated social and economic dynamics that contributed to youth precariousness. Chemicals provided our interlocutors a sense of control as they faced multiple insecurities and challenges in their everyday lives, which explained why they invested their scarce resources in such products. As a result, though it was often not immediately evident, our interlocutors ran health risks due to their long-term exposure to multiple toxic substances which may interact with each other to cause even more harm , while the benefits they gained from their chemical investments were often minimal. Regulatory protection from chemical harm was uneven across the research sites. While governments take responsibility for the safety of some chemicals, notably pharmaceuticals and narcotic drugs, we found that beauty products, energy drinks, herbal medicines, food supplements, and vitamins are regulated much less stringently. For these products, pre-market approval is easy to get, as long as the companies avoid including certain chemicals, such as mercury, that are known to cause serious harm. The systematic treatment of the human body prevented feelings of shame or fear for repercussion when talking about chemical practices and body parts that might be more sensitive. We asked our informants what they sought to achieve through chemical use also probing into their more general aspirations in life , the advantages and disadvantages of different products on the market, and how they learned about and acquired them. Their responses allowed us to identify themes for further enquiry. The second phase of the project involved focused ethnographies of specific chemical practices that emerged as central in the everyday lives of particular subgroups of youth. We also conducted feedback and validation sessions, where we discussed emergent findings with our interlocutors. Together we identified potential foci for ethnographic observation, based on the findings of the grand tours, thereby co-producing a body of knowledge, as collaborators rather than as field assistants, which is a second way the ChemicalYouth project engaged in collaborative experimentation. The feedback and validation sessions were done in karaoke bars or other public spaces that allowed for some privacy. The physical presence of the products in the group discussion signaled to our interlocutors that we knew what mattered to them. On one occasion, one of our informants exchanged a full bottle of vaginal cleansing liquid with a half-empty one from her purse, which led us to ask who else had half-empty bottles in their purses; all of the female participants did. On another occasion we were confronted with the ethically compromising interaction with a heavy drug user taking a tablet of buprenorphine a heroin substitute with him to the toilet, despite our entreaties to not do so. When he came back he told us that he had crushed the pill, diluted it in mineral water, and injected the fluid to treat his withdrawal symptoms. This taught us to not bring heroin replacement drugs to these group discussions. The event also led to a discussion on safe injecting practices. The focused ethnographies described everyday situations in which these young people studied, worked, socialized, sought partners, and engaged in sexual relations. The settings included bars, street corners, nightclubs, music festivals, private homes, shopping malls, construction sites, universities, and the internet. Across the research sites, our core research questions included: When do youth use which chemical substances? How do they use, adjust, and make them? What effects do they seek and why? How do they manipulate chemical substances to modulate their effects? What adverse effects do they experience and what strategies do they use to avoid or lessen drug-related harms? Collaborative contrasting analysis was a key feature of the project. Anthropology has long been committed to understanding particular practices and beliefs in bounded cultural settings see, e. By conducting collaborative ethnographic research across various local sites, we were able to engage in an iterative analysis of similarities and differences in situated chemical practices. This process sharpened the ethnographic inquiries that were done. And why did Filipino men also whiten their skins, a practice most Indonesian men would frown upon Chapter 5? Young people across our field sites used chemicals for three main reasons: to achieve wellness, to enhance work opportunities and capacity, and to try out different kinds gender identities and sexual ways of being in the world. We found that it also involved using chemicals to create and enjoy lean and muscular bodies. They used chemicals to feel confident, be creative, have focus, and enhance stamina, and in doing so they built up biocapital, the value generated in capitalist modes of production through investments in biological materials. Our youth ethnographers did extensive participant observation and semi-structured interviews. We asked: why are some practices similar and others different? Together we submitted contributions to special issues and edited volumes. In the publishing process, we received editorial support from Takeo David Hymans, a science writer who was involved in the ChemicalYouth project from the beginning. Our fieldwork was multimodal by design. We engaged youth in photography projects, and we conveyed your insights through documentary films and exhibits. Photo taken by Anita Hardon, January , the Netherlands. ChemicalYouth Screenshot of an overview of the chemicals that figure in the reports of the youth ethnographers. Clicking on a bubble calls up the corresponding results for the whole project. The website displays the full range of chemicals, locations, topics, methods, and researchers that make up the ChemicalYouth project. It enabled contrasting analysis across our sites, as well as the writing of this book. It was made to inspire future researchers by providing access to the multitude of open-access publications that we made together, as well as still unpublished work, and the audio-visual arts projects that emerged from the project. While studying the chemical lives of young people, we were struck by the unevenness of the regulatory strategies for different kinds of chemical products, not only between the countries where we did fieldwork, but also within countries. In all our sites, consumers were warned about the adverse effects of some substances, while receiving no cautionary information regarding others Singer ; Homburg and Vapeul Why are some chemicals with exaggerated health claims allowed on the market, while the efficacy claims of others are tightly regulated? Why are some chemicals ruled illegal, while other equally hazardous ones are allowed to seep into our environments? FDA All companies are required to do is list the ingredients on packages; they do not need to submit proof of safety to the government. In the Asian region, the cosmetic directive adopted in regulates the use of only three chemicals: mercury, lead, and arsenic Milman The TSCA was toothless from the moment it came into force. It oversees over sixty-two thousand chemicals that were in use prior to the bill being signed into law. Narcotic drugs, namely drugs that are potent psychoactive substances, are the most strictly regulated and most aggressively informed substances in all of the countries where the ChemicalYouth project was conducted, which paradoxically gave our interlocutors the impression that legally marketed cosmetics, energy drinks, and supplements are safe. Each country has a list of scheduled drugs. Drugs such as cocaine, heroin, methamphetamine, ecstasy, cannabis, and LSD are often included on such lists. But the lists change, as regulatory agencies reassess evidence and in response to contestations. The Independent Scientific Committee on Drugs ISCD , based in the United Kingdom, scored 20 psychoactive drugs on 16 criteria, nine related to harms to individuals and seven concerning harms related to others. Both categories of harm included physical, psychological, and social dimensions. The experts concluded that the drugs most harmful to individuals were heroin, crack cocaine, and methamphetamine, whereas the drugs most harmful to others were alcohol, followed by crack cocaine and heroin Fig. Graph reproduced by Javier Garcia-Bernardo with original data from Nutt and colleagues The interesting point in this scoring by experts is that alcohol, a legal drug, is scored as the most harmful drug, whereas cannabis, ecstasy, and LSD have relatively low scores for harm to users and others. Indonesia and the Philippines have declared a War on Drugs, and both users and dealers have been sentenced to the death penalty. In contrast, France and the Netherlands prosecute drug users in less severe ways. The Netherlands stands out with a tolerant drug policy that distinguishes between hard drugs like heroin and ecstasy, which are entirely prohibited, and soft drugs like cannabis, the sales and use of which are tolerated though commercial production is illegal. Many countries including Uruguay, Canada, and several states in the United States have recently taken cannabis off the list of scheduled drugs, based on evidence that it can be used safely. As a result, cannabis products are now being re-classified in many different ways Caulkins and Kilborn Tobacco is also a heavily regulated substance. The Philippines, the Netherlands, and France are adopting the recommendations of this treaty, including those that aim to protect youth from tobacco advertising. However, Indonesia a country with a large tobacco industry has not signed the treaty, and in that country youth are heavily targeted with advertising for cigarettes Fig. In all countries, e-cigarettes are increasingly used by young people as a substitute for cigarettes, partially due to advertising that is not constrained by the global tobacco treaty. If chemicals make medical claims, as is the case with pharmaceuticals, governments demand strong evidence of safety and efficacy before allowing them on the market. The evidence has to involve at least two large-scale clinical trials. The safety-efficacy profile also determines whether a pharmaceutical can be sold over the counter or only by prescription. If a drug is categorized as a prescription drug, it may not be advertised directly to consumers except in the United States. But the enforcement of these regulations differs wildly. In Indonesia most prescription drugs can be bought over the counter, which is how the young people we conducted ethnography with gained access to a wide range of psychoactive prescription drugs. Despite the pre-market approval process, adverse effects often only become visible when the products are used in larger populations, and among groups of people who were not included in the clinical trials. In an ideal world, post-market surveillance would pick up these adverse effects, but such studies are rarely conducted in our Asian field sites, and information on adverse effects that are occasionally reported by users and observed by doctors are generally not widely publicized, because drug surveillance systems are not in place or not functioning well. Food and drug authorities have standing committees that review new evidence and decide if the regulatory status of a product needs to be revised. For example, the potent painkiller carisprodol came on the market more than 50 years ago as a pain medication for the treatment of lower back pain and other indications. However, US doctors increasingly reported withdrawal symptoms—including vomiting, anxiety, insomnia, and hallucinations—among patients who discontinued carisoprodol Substance Abuse and Mental Health Data Archive ; DEA In Europe, a study by Bramness and colleagues found that carisoprodol was hugely overprescribed and that patients often received their prescriptions from multiple doctors. The drug was subsequently taken off the market in Sweden and Norway , and the European Medicines Agency recommended that member states stop authorizing carisoprodol for the treatment of acute back pain Hardon and Ihsan But often, companies contest the regulatory proposals, making it difficult for regulatory agencies to take action. As this book shows, such an uneven regulatory landscape means that drugs prohibited in some places still circulate widely; indeed, carisoprodol, under the brand name Somadril, was one of the more common drugs taken among the youth we studied in Indonesia. The ChemicalYouth ethnographies drawn upon in this book reveal that young people use a wide range of chemicals to enhance wellness and enable work, and that they develop elaborate techniques to increase benefits and avoid harms. They do so in an ecosystem that informs different categories of chemicals in very different ways. For some chemicals, warnings about harms are amplified by drug authorities and health educators, while for other kinds of chemicals, such as beauty products and supplements, benefits are overly touted and risks dangerously downplayed. Each chapter contrasts ethnographic insights from at least two different countries and multiple focused ethnographies. Our method of following chemicals from one country to another provided insights into the site-specific conditions of everyday life and regulations that shape use. We learned how chemicals are ingested, inhaled, and injected, and how they are also mixed to enhance effects. Across the sites, we examined how shared understandings of efficacy emerged and how knowledge produced in scientific studies intersected with these more popular understandings. We scrutinized safety and efficacy claims made in advertising campaigns and on product packaging. The analysis of young people situated chemical practices presented in this book is located at the intersections of youth studies, anthropology and science and technology studies, disciplines from which we borrow concepts and offer new understandings. More specifically, this book offers an ethnographic contribution to the critical studies of risk and uncertainty Zinn and Olofsson We contribute to the critical study of risk and uncertainty by ethnographically examining the situated chemical practices of youth, and by building an analytical framework for understanding the risks that they face and the harms that they mitigate, from in-depth understandings of their engagements with chemicals in their everyday lives. In Amsterdam, for example, youth invented and employed distinct techniques in their quest for hassle-free highs. These included innovative and precise methods for dosing and administering drugs. Our interlocutors trusted their peers and had confidence in their collective techniques to determine the quality of substances. If they experienced adverse effects, they had confidence that their friends, coworkers, and online acquaintances would watch over them until the effects waned. And we also looked at how trust could be increased between youth and authorities: in Amsterdam, city authorities work with young people to carefully design harm reduction programs, which earn the participation of partying youth. We contrast the quest for hassle-free highs in Amsterdam with the situation in Indonesia, where a severe drug war is being waged by the government that involves a different kind of risk. In Indonesia, young people commonly use psychoactive prescription drugs to get high, and they consider these safer than illicit drugs, because those can lead to the death penalty. In both cases our interlocutors valued the bonding that happens in this shared practice and the gustatory pleasure of inhaling from joints. But in Makassar, the students who consumed cannabis were worried about the risk of attracting police attention and being imprisoned. We observed the introduction of synthetic cannabis-like designer drugs in Indonesia, ordered online, that are mixed into branded cigarettes and smoked with less risk of criminal prosecution, but more severe harm to their health. In France, e-cigarettes are increasingly popular among young smokers who want to avoid tobacco-induced harms, while continuing to enjoy the social relations that are fostered by smoking together. Both cases also point to the need for sensible government regulation. With ethnographic vignettes from six focused ethnographies conducted in the Philippines, Indonesia, Ethiopia and France, we show how chemicals are used to try out sexual identities, enhance sexual experiences, and prevent unwanted pregnancies and sexually transmitted infections. Our interlocutors explained how the practice of injecting drugs was entangled with their search for love. Looking through the lens of collaborative experimentation, we see how young people observed effects in their own bodies and then shared their lived experiences. We suggest that sexual health programs should acknowledge the sexual desires and health needs that are reflected in such chemical practices, and develop more chemical products to meet these needs. Our analyses revealed skin whitening to be an elaborate and expensive process, involving layers of whitening via soaps, scrubs, and lotions. However, the practice differed across sites in the Philippines. While only women used to whiten their skin, more and more young men have begun engaging in this practice. Many do so because they are competing with women for service-sector jobs. Some are also inspired by the androgynous masculinities that have begun circulating in the Philippines, influenced by Korean popular culture. Seeking a lighter skin involves economic costs and has adverse effects as potent and cheap products bought on the black market, often containing banned products such as mercury. The chapter ends with a description of initiatives that seek to counter the colorist marketing of skin-whitening products and celebrate skin diversity. Our interlocutors used stimulants to stay alert at night, to be friendly to customers regardless of their mood, and to engage with audiences when performing on stage. Our interlocutors employed tactics to prevent becoming drunk, including the covert sharing of drinks and teaming up with barmen to dilute their drinks with water. This chapter also examines the work conditions that perpetuated this chemical use, and the precariousness caused by night work and heavy caffeine use, which can lead to serious health conditions. Aggressively marketing to young people through online commercials, mass media, and street-level vitamin stores, marketers capitalize on these fears. Youths across our field sites took vitamin C to prevent colds and coughs, and to generate energy; vitamin E to gain radiant skin; and multivitamin capsules for shiny hair. Vitamin-fortified energy drinks are especially popular among construction workers and porters, both engaged in heavy physical work. Our respondent consume more complex food supplements to increase muscle mass, such as fruit shakes that were combined with ginger extract, turmeric, and honey to strengthen immunity. Young people worried about the lack of nutrients in their fast food noodles, burgers, and pizzas, and supplementing was thus a rational strategy when there was rarely time to cook. In this chapter, we zoom in on the online discussions about microdosing of LSD and psilocybin to enhance creativity, a common practice among young people in creative, academic, and tech environments. Building on this case, we take stock of the ways that young people across our field sites sought to mitigate chemical harm, showing how, unlike the Cobayes, they generally did not realize how toxicities can compound one another or act slowly, over time. Young people have been induced by manufacturers to believe in and promote the benefits of many chemicals, and governments have allowed these products on the market. When adverse effects become apparent, they tend to be dealt with one chemical at a time. Can academics, policymakers, and the concerned public all engage with youth to spread precautionary tales beyond those related to narcotic drugs, while attending also the combined risks of chemicals and slow toxicities to enhance the safer use of chemicals? He also served as the Chancellor from to Fig. She has worked at the intersections of the anthropology of health, care, and the body and science and technology studies STS on topics ranging from sex hormones, menstruation, and pharmaceutical cultures to obesity, nutrition, non-ordinary states of consciousness, and the psychedelic renaissance. Emilia is currently the Principal Investigator of a project on the new therapeutic uses of the Amazonian psychoactive brew ayahuasca Fig. Her areas of interest for research include health, gender, and sexuality. Idrus has collaborated with Anita Hardon both in the field and writing, and several of these publications are essential to this book and presented throughout Fig. See Nichter for an incisive analysis of risk taking, vulnerability and harm reduction among people in diverse cultural settings, who confront different kinds of health issues. He invites scholars to empirically differentiate between kinds of material engagements between agents and their environments in order to gain insights into the concept of good that underlies practice. This is an analytical strategy that inspired me in developing the ChemicalYouth project. The term emerged in the s in Europe to describe moves towards more flexible, globally connected labor arrangements and weakening labor protection mechanisms and welfare provisions. Our respondents grow up without the expectation that employers will care for them. This was not practical, as many youth live away from their families We also did not consider it ethically appropriate to do so, given the nature of some of their chemical practices and our commitment to anonymity. This interview tool can be found on the ChemicalYouth website chemicalyouth. Because of the risks related to the illegal use of drugs in most of our study sites, the ChemicalYouth project adopted anonymity procedures. Informants were assured that their participation was both completely voluntary and anonymous. For example, interviewers made sure to inform participants that any and all identifying details that they gave such as name, address, date of birth, place of birth would be removed from their transcripts, that a pseudonym would be given, and that interviews would take place in public spaces that allowed for private discussions. Furthermore, researchers were trained on using a system of acronyms to title their interview transcripts and other documents that did not contain the name of the respondent. Anonymity was of particular importance in our focused ethnography of an online forum of drug users reporting and sharing their experience with new psychoactive substances see Berning and Hardon In order to safely report on their online data, and not have their quotes be traceable on search engines, their online pseudonyms were pseudonymized again and the names of the fora were not revealed. These safeguards were approved by an independent ethics advisor. One exception to adhering to our anonymity guidelines is the focused ethnographies discussed in chapter seven with supplement creator and vitamin shop owner. Upon consideration, it was concluded that they were well-known internet personalities, therefore their names were easily identifiable. Moreover, the products that they sell are legal and thus sharing their real identity or their company did not pose a risk as it would have, had they been selling illegal products. Abraham, J. Regulating medicines in Europe: Competition, expertise and public health. London: Routledge. Google Scholar. Abu-Lughod, L. Writing against culture. Fox Ed. Allison, A. Precarious Japan. Book Google Scholar. Amaro, R. Taking chances for love? Reflections on love, risk, and harm reduction in a gay slamming subculture. Contemporary Drug Problems, 43 3 , — Article Google Scholar. Appadurai, A. 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Summary of the Toxic Substances Control Act. Food and Drug Administration. Vallas, S. Dualism, job polarization, and the social construction of precarious work. Work and Occupations, 39 4 , — Harm reduction from below: On sharing and caring in drug use. Wolf-Meyer, M. Therapy, remedy, cure: Disorder and the spatiotemporality of medicine and everyday life. Medical Anthropology, 33 2 , — Zinn, J. Zinn Eds. London: Palgrave Macmillan. Download references. You can also search for this author in PubMed Google Scholar. Correspondence to Anita Hardon. The images or other third party material in this chapter are included in the chapter's Creative Commons license, unless indicated otherwise in a credit line to the material. If material is not included in the chapter's Creative Commons license and your intended use is not permitted by statutory regulation or exceeds the permitted use, you will need to obtain permission directly from the copyright holder. Reprints and permissions. In: Chemical Youth. Critical Studies in Risk and Uncertainty. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. Published : 14 October Publisher Name : Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. Print ISBN : Online ISBN : Anyone you share the following link with will be able to read this content:. Sorry, a shareable link is not currently available for this article. Provided by the Springer Nature SharedIt content-sharing initiative. Policies and ethics. Skip to main content. Download book EPUB. Download book PDF. Abstract The everyday lives of contemporary youth are awash with chemicals to boost pleasure, energy, sexual performance, appearance, and health. ChemicalYouth The project that this book is about, ChemicalYouth, made a case for examining a broader range of chemicals that young people use in their everyday lives. Doing Chemicals In our analysis of how young people do chemicals, and what chemicals do for youth, we took as a point of departure the idea that efficacies are not fixed but fluid Hardon and Sanabria KukuBima Ener-G drink. Full size image. Navigating Precarity Although increased access to education, and images that they view online fuel dreams for a better future, the precariousness of their everyday lives led the youth we spoke with to doubt if their aspirations could really be achieved see also Butler b ; Vallas and Prener ; Lorey Unevenness of Harm Protection Mechanisms While studying the chemical lives of young people, we were struck by the unevenness of the regulatory strategies for different kinds of chemical products, not only between the countries where we did fieldwork, but also within countries. Banner for Surya Pro, which suggests that brave men never quit. Michael Tan. Emilia Sanabria. Nurul Ilmi Idrus. References Abraham, J. Google Scholar Abu-Lughod, L. 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