Honeymoon Gone Awry
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Honeymoon Gone Awry
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Honeymoon gone wrong is a nollywood love and drama movie
Directors Sunshine Olawore Starring Kenneth Nwadike Elo Elookia Igbiwu Queeneth Agbor Genres Drama Subtitles English [CC] Audio languages English
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Tula B Reviewed in the United States on November 22, 2020
This is a super low budget movie. 95% of the scenes happen in one building and of that, 70% probably happens in one room. The script is weak and the dialogue is even weaker. The actors seem to be random folks pulled off the street. Acting cannot possibly be their day jobs. Subtitles also seem to have been done through some automated program as it is sometimes wrong and lumped together (no commas or periods).
S. Lewis Reviewed in the United States on November 19, 2020
Wasted an hour and 25 minutes. She put him down and was cantankerous for almost the entire time. I was hoping for something other than the wife saying she doesn't love the husband consistently for 1:35.
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The term “honeymoon” has been used for three bilateral relationships in Northeast Asia, and there remains some uncertainty whether it still applies today. It gained popularity following what I would call the 2013 “engagement” phase in each case. The Abe-Putin, Putin-Xi, and Park-Xi relationships all blossomed in 2013, reached “honeymoon” status by early in 2014, and appeared in 2015 to media commentators and various other observers to be poised for a sort of convivial bliss before being rocked by troubles through the autumn of 2015. Meanwhile, the Abe-Obama and Abe-Park relationships hit rough spells in 2013-2014 and never were perceived as in a “honeymoon” mode, but by the end of 2015 were in better shape than observers had anticipated. Comparisons of disappointments from the three “honeymoons” help to grasp the illusions that recently flared in Northeast Asia and to lead us toward more sober expectations. If the fact that none of the “honeymoons” has, to date, led to a “divorce” means that the term may still reemerge along with renewed hopes, we have even more reason to look closely at unnoticed parallels in what has transpired.
What is meant by a “honeymoon?” The term can be used, blissfully, as a sign of hope that a personal connection between the leaders of two nations is so strong that it could transform bilateral relations or, disdainfully, as an attack on a connection that threatens the national interests of a nation through a misguided emotional quest. The pejorative use is found in Japanese writings about Park’s wooing of Xi, while the rose-colored lens on Abe’s wooing of Putin is viewed in an entirely different light. In the case of Putin’s wooing of Xi, hesitation to use the term comes from those who are intent to show that Putin is doing no more than pursuing the national interest or from critics of Putin who consider that too much is being made of a relationship that is poised to deteriorate. Yet, over the past few years these three cases of “wooing” should be examined together, not through a narrow national lens restricted to each case, but as far-reaching phenomena with similarities worth noting and lasting impact of considerable significance for foreign relations in Asia at this critical juncture.
The intended offspring of these relationships are clearly etched in the minds of the pursuing nation. For Japan, it is return of the “Northern Territories,” a territorial and symbolic victory showcased in national identity discourse since the early 1980s. At long last, the new, special, personal “Vladimir-Shinzo” bond would, Japanese media trumpet, yield this enormous dividend. For Russia, the prize would be the economic transformation of Siberia and the Russian Far East and the dream of Eurasianism by capitalizing on China’s infrastructure and industrial investments into long elusive megaprojects. After decades of vacuous plans, Russia’s “presence” in Asia would at last become a reality. For South Korea, the byproduct of wooing Xi Jinping was to be China’s support for reunification under Seoul’s leadership accompanied by a tough response to new North Korean provocations, especially any new nuclear test. A close relationship with China would be the foundation of a reunification “bonanza.”
The aspirations voiced by Abe, Putin, and Park were couched in realist terms—as geopolitical strategies of strong leaders defiant of reservations at home and abroad. They were also expressed in national identity terms, promising breakthroughs after periods of more timid pursuit of goals deemed essential for revitalizing the nation. Japan would gain an autonomous Asian foreign policy, becoming a “normal” state. Russia would turn to the East, gaining new stature in Asia, as a “bridge” to the West. Finally, South Korea would secure the supreme identity prize of a reunited Korea.
Each case was personalized by a supposedly close bond with a foreign leader, whose vigor was treated with admiration. While many in other countries were troubled by how Putin and Xi were consolidating power using increasingly authoritarian means, wooing them meant cultivating an atmosphere where excesses were downplayed as hopes were elevated to capitalize on bold leadership to realize bilateral objectives. Hoopla surrounding Abe’s pursuit of Putin, Putin’s pursuit of Xi, and Park’s pursuit of Xi contrasted with the more balanced or darker analysis of relations with others. Abe’s meeting with Putin at the February 2014 Sochi Olympics, Putin’s summit in China in May 2014, and Park’s hosting of Xi in July 2014 were each highly touted.
At the beginning of 2016, the symbols of success from each special relationship were more elusive than had been presumed. Russia’s stance on the territorial question with Japan had hardened beyond anything seen since Gorbachev opened talks early in 1986. China’s willingness to invest in Siberia and the Russian Far East was more in doubt than at any point since the early 1990s if one looks objectively at changes in the energy prices that made Russia’s resources appealing and in China’s growth model that spurred its quest for resources. Finally, China’s readiness to tilt toward South Korea and pressure North Korea was met with more doubt than was the case at any time since Sino-DPRK relations withered in the 1992 ROK normalization. If the pursuit were to resume in any one of these cases, the symbolic breakthrough would, it follows, no longer be the focus. Yet, this painful realization is proving hard to acknowledge, as lingering hopes are still being voiced in all three pursuing states.
Comparisons of “honeymoon” politics and media hyperbole serve an analysis of the leadership dynamics, geo-economic context, geopolitical ambitions, and national identity expectations in the country more actively in pursuit. I reflect on the peak period of pursuit, when expectations were highest, and I point to the illusions that drove these pursuits. Finally, I look at the state of these bilateral relationships at the start of 2016, explaining why the “honeymoon” is over and what it can tell us. In doing so, I do not deny the possibility that one of the “honeymoons” may resume. Abe is still seeking a summit with Putin, and Putin is still heavily dependent on Xi.
New leaders seek to enter office with a splash, eyeing foreign policy as the venue where a breakthrough relationship with another leader conveys a transformative image. They envision an activist image, differentiating themselves from the passive charges leveled against their predecessor. At a time of creeping polarization in great power relations, they grasp for symbols of empowerment of their country. Without doubt, they find encouragement from the leaders they target, who may spot a golden opportunity to disrupt existing partnerships or boost their own image of activism in foreign policy. Yet, there should be no ambiguity about who was wooing whom. Abe was pursuing Putin, despite Japanese perceptions that Putin’s March 1, 2012 call for a “ hikiwake ” solution to their dispute meant that Abe responded in 2013. Park was clearly pursuing Xi, even as South Koreans kept referring to Xi’s decision to favor her over Kim Jong-un. Finally, Putin in this period shifted to aggressively pursuing Xi in Russia’s “Turn to the East” and, even more, in its rejection of the West exposed in the Ukraine crisis of 2014. Abe and Park claimed to be building the best relations ever with the United States, but portrayed their diplomacy as “pro-active” since they saw other options as well. Putin, in contrast, argued that relations with the West were at a nadir; he cultivated an alternative so Russia would pay no price for this.
Each “honeymoon” had its own rationale steeped in national identity associated closely with a new leader. Abe’s grandfather and father had espoused Asianism and pursued a breakthrough with Moscow, respectively, and Abe has championed many national identity causes, such as the abductions issue with North Korea as if he has unique qualities to solve them. For Abe, the wooing of Putin was explained as the way to regain the “Northern Territories.” Park’s father had normalized relations with Japan, but he was later perceived to have left some issues to fester as well as to have had no success with Pyongyang despite diplomatic exchanges in the early 1970s.
For Park, her cultivation of Xi held the promise of support for the reunification of the Korean Peninsula. Putin had reignited Soviet thinking about national identity in his first two terms as president, while raising hopes of a deal with China to stimulate development in Asiatic Russia. He insisted that his dalliance with Xi would be the key to the shift from Russia as an outlier being hounded in the West to a full-fledged member of the East, where it would be welcomed. As these three leaders began to woo their counterparts, it seemed to many to be their destiny to reach agreements and to leave their mark in history as the one who accomplished a remarkable feat.
Looked at closely, none of these rationales had real merit. Japanese publications on Russia offered no evidence that Putin seriously considered returning more than two islands—a deal Japan had rejected more than once and had long insisted it could not accept. Korean publications on Xi presented no more than flimsy arguments for why Xi would lean away from North Korea in the reunification process or enforce tough sanctions that would contradict its prevailing logic about the North’s significance.
Russian coverage of China was derelict in analyzing how the goals of Russia’s “turn to the East” and “multipolarity” would be achieved, counting too much on the appeal of Russia as a balance of power in Asia and a treasure house of resources. Illusions of personal chemistry between leaders and an activist leader capable of forging ties with transformative impact undergirded the “honeymoon” narratives. As evidence contradictory to these narratives grew more obvious, leaders clung to them. In late 2015 Abe was still arranging the next meeting with Putin, Park was joining Xi on the reviewing stand in Beijing, and Putin was so isolated that Xi loomed as his last hope. Yet, by year end, Russian official were scorning Japan’s aspirations, Chinese refused to answer South Korea’s phone calls about the North’s nuclear test, and the record of Chinese investments showed the opposite result from what Russia had sought.
The tone of official remarks and media coverage grew more sober about what were earlier perceived as “honeymoons.” By September, Japanese officials were engaged in a “tit-for-tat” set of charges against remarks by Russian officials, while Japanese newspapers turned pessimistic about prospects for Putin visiting Japan as well as the future of relations. After Park’s presence along side Xi on September 3 raised a lot of controversy, her visit to Washington was accompanied by assurances that ROK-Chinese relations should not be a cause of US concern and then by a deal over the “comfort women” with Abe that disproved the charge that she was aligning with Xi against Japan. The shift in Putin’s position in regard to Xi was marked more by silence rather than any reversal, as Russian media euphoria earlier in 2015 about China’s role as the savior of the Russian economy as it turned from West to East was fading into reluctant acknowledgment that economic plans were on hold. 1 Despite signs later that Abe was still preparing meetings with Putin and awareness that Putin and Park had compelling geopolitical reasons to keep in Xi’s good graces, the mood by the beginning of 2016 was much less hopeful than it had previously been.
The upshot of these experiences in 2013-2015 is that observers should discount media hype about personal ties between national leaders. It appears that wooing another leader has a particular objective, which the other leader encourages just enough to keep the infatuation alive. Taking a closer look at the way the object of the pursuit was reasoning about the desired target—transferring islands despite an alarmist view of sovereignty, investing in Russia’s “wild East” with its dismal prospects for financial gain, or pressuring and abandoning North Korea at a time of ascendant Sinocentrism—should have cast the partner in a more
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