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Hanover buying Ecstasy

Official websites use. Share sensitive information only on official, secure websites. All my friends say like, you know, I get very, very friendly. Legal and illegal ingested substances have long given pleasure to those who have consumed them. Whether that be the Yanomamo using tobacco in Brazil Chagnon, , Hippies smoking marijuana in Haight Ashbury Cavan, , Africans drinking beer in a Bulawayo beer garden Wolcott, or English youth popping ecstasy pills in Manchester Parker et al. Given the extent to which these substances have provided individual pleasure as well as social and communal enjoyment, one is forced to ask the question: why then is it that so much of the research on ingested substances has ignored this central feature? While it may be understandable that drug and public health researchers should focus more on the social and personal problems, it is nevertheless surprising that the element of pleasure should have been so often overlooked in the thousands of articles written on the use of illicit drugs. It is as though pleasure has become unseeable within much of the research. Even when notions of pleasure or fun are allowed to enter the picture, they are mentioned merely to be denied or negated. The absence of any significant discourse about pleasure within drug research means that a central component of why people use mind altering substances is ignored. While many different social, historical and political reasons could be suggested as to why the pleasure element has been largely ignored in so much of the research literature, one possible contributory factor would seem particularly relevant. Given such a perspective on the dangers of drugs, it is not surprising that the active pursuit of pleasure on the part of young people would be downplayed or ignored. Furthermore, focusing on the risks and problems of drug use is not surprising given the extent to which notions of risk permeate much of contemporary thought, not solely within the drug and medical professions but also within society at large. This preoccupation is also true within other social science research literature, which has emphasized the role of risk in everyday life Beck, ; Douglas, ; Giddens, Unfortunately, by examining risk solely from a problem perspective, drug researchers have tended to ignore the possibility that for many young people taking risks may be an important source of pleasure and excitement Hayward, ; Reith, In order to begin to re-adjust this imbalance, and in an attempt to re-locate enjoyment at the center of the drug using equation, the aim of this paper is to explore the elements of pleasure in the drug using experiences of a sample of young ecstasy users who frequent electronic music dance events in the San Francisco Bay Area. Utilizing recent theoretical developments in both cultural studies and cultural criminology, we will examine in-depth qualitative interview data to explore the ways in which these young people experience the pleasures and fun in taking ecstasy and attending dance events. While we are aware that there may be other perceived benefits from taking ecstasy, in this paper we focus on the benefits that are connected to issues of pleasure and fun, as this emerged as the dominant narrative utilized by our respondents to explicate their experiences with ecstasy. In so doing we hope to shed light on why taking these substances is so appealing to so many young people. Contemporary club drug research has focused primarily on three elements. Although MDMA is said to be physically non-addictive, users may become psychologically dependent and may subconsciously use the drug as a form of self-medication for underlying disorders Jansen, Second, researchers have noted the extent to which ecstasy and other party drugs, especially amphetamines, are strongly associated with the dance scene Boys et al. Although research has suggested that marijuana is used more extensively than ecstasy see for example Tossman et al. Third, researchers have examined the socio-demographic characteristics of the users, especially their age and gender. The majority of attendees at dance events are teenagers and young adults, both male and female, and from the available research this trend appears generally consistent in different countries Calafat et al. While no representative surveys have been completed on either the age or gender ratio of attendees at clubs, raves and parties, researchers have emphasized the extent to which young women are a significant presence Hutton, ; Parker et al. Overall, while this literature has been particularly important in providing information on the problems associated with ecstasy, contemporary drug-using patterns, and the characteristics of the users, it has generally ignored both the role of pleasure and fun in consuming the drugs and the social context in which this consumption takes place. The young drug user is portrayed as separate and divorced from his or her social setting and their social identities have become subsumed by the substance. De-contextualization is sometimes so thorough that it is difficult to uncover how these individuals behave in social settings, perceive their social lives or express their feelings and beliefs. Furthermore, because the pleasure discourse is underdeveloped within epidemiological research little attention has been focused on the social construction of pleasure. Given the tendency of this literature both to downplay the importance of pleasure and de-contextualize the user, we will now examine an alternative literature which has focused more specifically on examining the social setting within which these young people consume ecstasy and experience fun. The starting point for much of this alternative sociological and cultural studies literature has been the attempt to understand the rapid expansion of the electronic-music dance scene. Even though the specific focus of individual researchers has been diverse, they have all explored the experiences of young people within this leisure activity and sought to understand the pleasurable features of the contemporary dance scene. This focus on pleasure was further developed by writers such as Malbon , who provided the first detailed account of the internal workings of the club scene and the night out. Other studies, while focusing on different issues, have also emphasized elements of pleasure. For example, writers such as Bennett and Gilbert and Pearson have focused on the pleasure of the musical aspects of the scene, while others have concentrated on exploring the pleasurable elements of dancing Thomas, Finally, because of the popularity of the dance scene for young women, feminist researchers have examined the relationship between gender and pleasure Henderson, ; McRobbie, ; Pini, both from the perspective of young women and also, but to a lesser extent, from the perspective of young men. Cultural studies research on raves and the dance scene provides an important counter-balance to the problem-focused approach of much of the drug literature. Given the sharp contrast between the foci of epidemiology and socio-cultural studies, it is not surprising that the implicit or even explicit conceptualizations of young people are also significantly different. These two approaches reflect a dichotomous view of young people based in part on different underlying theoretical paradigms of positivism and phenomenology. Overall, socio-cultural studies have highlighted the pleasurable features of attending dance events, whether that be obtaining an ecstatic experience Malbon, , enjoying the music Bennett, , or exploring new boundaries of femininity Pini, However, in spite of this emphasis on elements of pleasure and fun, these studies have considered the use of mind-altering substances largely as an adjunct to other issues. As Parker, Williams and Aldridge have argued, drug use among young people who attend dance events has become increasingly culturally acceptable and integrated into their leisure and lifestyle. One of the key attractions of attending dance events and doing drugs is the possibility of being involved in an exciting and non-mundane activity. The data used for this article come from an ongoing study on the San Francisco Bay Area electronic music dance scene and drug users. Data were collected through in-depth, face-to-face interviews. These interviews took place between February and August and were conducted by the project manager and five interviewers. In the first part of the interview, a brief, quantitative questionnaire was used to collect socio-demographic characteristics. Respondents were recruited using several different methods, including advertisements, referrals from respondents, and through contacts of the project staff. Involvement in the scene was defined as attending dance events such as clubs, raves, and warehouse parties. As this was primarily an exploratory study, we were interested in interviewing people with a wide range of experiences with club drugs, including both new and experienced users, as well as those who had used in the past but were not currently using. Of the respondents interviewed in the study, The data presented here are for those respondents, who we will be discussed in this paper. Among the ecstasy users in the sample, The sample was fairly young, with a median age of 20, and the majority of these respondents Slightly more than half of the respondents reported Caucasian as their primary ethnic group Overall the sample was well-educated, and Forty-one percent of the sample had either received a four-year degree or were currently attending a four-year university. Only 13 respondents had not finished high school and were not currently pursuing a diploma or degree. Just over sixty percent of the sample were employed at the time of the interview, mostly in white-collar business or clerical jobs, education or non-profit fields, or in retail and service. Only five respondents had children one child each and one respondent was pregnant. Since the goal of the project was to interview club drug users who attend dance events, and in our advertisements we noted that drug use was a focus of the study, it is therefore not surprising that the vast majority of people who participated in the project had used ecstasy. Besides alcohol and marijuana, ecstasy was by far the most commonly used drug in our sample. While Of the respondents who had used ecstasy, This is not to say that some respondents had not experienced periods of heavy use, but for many of these respondents periods of heavy use were of short or moderate duration after which they either stopped or significantly reduced their consumption. The median age for first using ecstasy was 18, with a range of 12—36 years of age. And like the high was great. The importance of having fun is not surprising given both the significance of attending dance events for many young people as a valued leisure activity as well as the extent of ecstasy use at dance parties. The respondents frequently described how ecstasy, especially when used within the dance-event setting, allowed them not just to have a good time but to experience a superlative level of fun. Although respondents did describe negative experiences and effects from ecstasy, 7 the majority characterized their experiences as largely pleasurable and positive. For some, the pleasures centered solely around enjoying an exciting night out, while for others the pleasures experienced were life-changing. Respondents described how they perceived themselves, experienced the environments in which they used, and related to others, highlighting the extraordinary or transcendental nature of the experience Lyng, For this respondent, ecstasy use is energizing, novel, and radically transformative of their outlook on the world. The descriptions of the pleasurable aspects of their ecstasy experiences can, for the purposes of this paper, be divided into three distinct but inter-related and often overlapping components - the physical experience, the emotional experience, and the experience of sociability and interacting with others. An increase in energy and a heightening of the senses were the primary physical effects of the ecstasy high as described by the respondents. The pleasures of these physical effects were often tied to the social context within which they used the drug. For example, because many respondents used ecstasy at dance events, they noted a connection between the drug and their enjoyment of music and dancing. Here ecstasy transformed the physical experience of the music and the fact that this effect was shared by others further intensified the pleasure of the experience. Respondents also described the pleasures of visual effects and their sense of touch while on ecstasy. It felt so good. It feels good to have human contact. Like…you feel a warmth. Again the physical pleasures of the drug are intimately connected with its social aspects. Overall, these physical effects allowed young people to experience their environment in new and exciting ways. This sense of increased well-being allowed respondents some respite from everyday worries and allowed them to focus on enjoying themselves and being present in the moment:. When I was on E, it was just great, everything was great. In addition to this sense of well-being, respondents also described feeling a sense of freedom that allowed them to behave in a less self-conscious or self-critical way. You like…you open up to people. Like you can just open up and talk about whatever you want and…dance and…do anything you want. In this interview and in others, respondents emphasize the way that ecstasy facilitates not so much a transformation into someone or something new, but rather ecstasy enables them to finally be and act as they really are, unfettered from the artifice of everyday life. The social constraints and barriers that existed in everyday social interactions, for example being too emotional or too open, were suddenly lifted by the effects of ecstasy, which made people feel much more sociable and empathetic:. And it helped me to like overcome…those barriers when dealing with other people. This respondent experiences ecstasy as enabling not just superficial effects on sociability but a deeper dismantling of social barriers. You know, you still know your boundaries …. Because norms of appropriate social and personal behavior and notions of privacy were transformed, people often became much more eager to interact with others and willing to share their personal thoughts and feelings. This openness in turn led respondents not only to bond more closely with friends and partners but produced in them an eagerness to meet new people. Respondents, who described themselves as normally shy, told of how they became more outgoing and their uneasiness about talking to strangers diminished:. And …. It reflects for many of the respondents the deepness of the feelings that they experienced while on ecstasy with others. Overall many respondents indicated feeling free of the constraints and pressures of everyday interactions and hence they valued these opportunities, even if, as many noted, it was drug-induced. This change in notions of social boundaries also resulted in a diminution in the perception of social distance between people, which normally operated in day to day life. Respondents described how they became more accepting of others and less judgmental while on ecstasy. They became more open to sharing and finding connections with others who seemed, at least on the surface, to be very different:. Everybody…you just feel like so much love toward people. While some respondents argued that these connections with strangers were fleeting and superficial, and limited to the context in which they occurred, others noted that these experiences were enjoyable and beneficial regardless of their ephemeral nature. In the context of a dance event or party where others were also using ecstasy, respondents felt a freedom of social interaction often missing in their normal lives. Of course the setting of the dance event as the context within which this interaction took place, coupled with the use of ecstasy, was significant in creating these experiences. It allows you to experience the crowds …. I What was great about it at a rave? R Because like it was just everybody was in your same boat. Respondents found satisfaction, comfort and a sense of belonging in knowing that others were sharing in and being committed to the same pleasurable experience. Thus, in addition to their individual pleasures, they also found pleasure from feeling and knowing that they were part of a collective. This sense of collectivity has been noted by other researchers who have emphasized the pleasurable nature of merging with others. The DJ put on like a really good track, and then everybody…like right when they hear the first beats they all cheered …. And then just that with the whole atmosphere and…the music and light shows and like…it felt like really moving, like I…I almost started crying, because it felt so good. You know, and…nothing else could…could evoke that feeling like ecstasy. This respondent describes a profound shared pleasure and an intense human connection unattainable without the aid of ecstasy. In reflecting on their experiences of using ecstasy, all respondents discussed the transitory and immediate effects, however, some also described more enduring and even permanent benefits. As noted above, respondents described how ecstasy facilitated the transformation of everyday experiences and accepted norms of behavior in ways that they felt were self-revealing and enlightening. While some respondents believed that these effects were ephemeral and confined to the intoxicating influence of ecstasy, others sought to capitalize on the experience of the drug and integrate these newfound sentiments and ways of relating to others into their everyday lives. The pleasures of ecstasy thus contribute to a longer-lasting positive experience. Having experienced feelings of empathy and self-contentment, and becoming aware of previously unexplored means of relating to others and the world in general, respondents believed that they could re-create some of these positive and pleasurable ways of being into daily life. As one respondent noted:. I think the way to come down is to just to take pause. Like you can do the same thing with E, like take back the feeling you had, the compassion, the empathy, all that stuff, take it back to the world …. So the best way to come down is to be able to remember what you learned, write it down, do whatever you can to remember what happened and be able to remember it and take it back to like your real life. While we are not suggesting that respondents were suddenly transformed and became happy and empathetic all the time, they nevertheless believed that the insights and benefits gained from taking ecstasy could be incorporated into their day-to-day lives. For those respondents who held this belief, ecstasy served as a catalyst for creating new possibilities in how they perceived and related to themselves and the world around them. The experience on ecstasy and the opportunity to experience life and interactions with others outside of everyday norms and expectations uncovered a way of being that respondents had previously not experienced or had not been aware of, but which they found pleasing and preferable. There had never been anything esoteric in my life …. And I think…having those opportunities has been…what has been life-changing …. And it was for me and I know for a lot of people, a lot of friends, it has been. While most respondents had not used ecstasy with the deliberate intention of promoting self-change, nevertheless many did describe how ecstasy ultimately induced a shift in how they perceived themselves. Respondents believed that the positive and valued attributes of the self while intoxicated could be used to improve the everyday self: Having experienced a level of self-acceptance and openness with others while under the influence of ecstasy, and realizing the pleasurable and beneficial nature of this, respondents tried to simulate and re-enact these feelings in their everyday lives:. R my use of MDMA was…really like…pivotal in me becoming who I am now, which is like…a lot more adjusted …. Respondents described that an increase in self-confidence and self-esteem were some of the most important effects that ecstasy had on their personal development. Many respondents described that while under the influence of ecstasy they worried less about what others thought of them and generally felt more accepting of and confident in themselves. They described how they had come to realize that their insecurities were related to their self-perceptions, and having once experienced a readjustment of these perceptions while on ecstasy, they began to work towards regaining that sense of self-confidence in their everyday personas. Respondents realized, on the basis of their ecstasy experiences, that new and more positive ways of interacting with others were both possible and desirable. Having now experienced the pleasures of being more sociable and open with both friends and strangers while on ecstasy, some of these respondents then sought to translate these experiences into their everyday interactions and consequently they described how they now found it easier to meet and talk to people. As one respondent remarked:. You feel like this deep connection to like everyone around you. And it changes the way you look at like interactions with other people. I used to be like pretty shy and like, you know, not really like…feel like uncomfortable like in social situations. Like to just go up and talk to anybody, and just communicate with people. Overall these respondents believed that their experiences with ecstasy had brought about beneficial changes in their normal lives. Such changes were especially welcomed by some respondents, for whom the ecstasy experience represented aspects of themselves or their lives they had already hoped to manifest. Fortuitously, ecstasy had, at least in part, provided them with the impetus and opportunity to initiate such changes. Though we made reference to the dance scene as an important element in experiencing the pleasures and benefits, much of our discussion did concentrate on the use of ecstasy largely in isolation of the multiple social contexts in which respondents used it. Consuming ecstasy is primarily a social activity done with friends, and as we have noted in our discussion, the enjoyment of the experience is connected to the music, the dancing, the light shows and being with other users. The pleasures of using ecstasy are embedded within this wider context and cannot be easily or accurately divorced from the enjoyment of these other elements of the experience. We must underscore the point that to fully understand the meaning of drug use in the lives of the users, it must be contextualized. In exploring the meanings of ecstasy use we have attempted to correct a research imbalance which has concentrated on the dangers and ignored the pleasures. However, it is not our intention to give the impression that youthful drug use occurs without any problems or that the respondents are not aware of the potential risks involved in consuming illicit drugs. While our data certainly highlighted the enjoyable and positive nature of ecstasy use, it is also the case that some respondents described negative or unpleasant effects. In fact, as we have discussed in detail elsewhere Hunt, et al. Despite these risks, most respondents believed that using ecstasy was ultimately a positive decision. While for some the importance lay solely in the ability to have fun, others valued ecstasy because it allowed them a glimpse at an alternative way of being and interacting with others. The possibility of viewing the world differently and interacting with others in a more meaningful way may reflect, as some commentators would have us believe, the alienated state of modern youth, often referred to as Generation Y or the lost generation. The accuracy of either contention is difficult to assess and certainly outside the scope of this paper. We can only suggest that at least for some respondents the experience of using ecstasy was so significant that they wished to re-create the experience in their everyday lives. Discussions of youthful drug use have been largely determined by adults who have emphasized the potential dangers of using drugs, while the meanings that young people themselves give to their drug use have been explored less frequently. While contemporary drug research on ecstasy has emphasized the dangers, young people also emphasize the pleasures, the benefits and the fun. Although the absence of a pleasure perspective within the drug field is not surprising, its omission may have serious consequences, especially in prevention and harm-reduction efforts. If our sample of users is any indication, it is only too obvious that public health messages which fail to acknowledge the enjoyable and beneficial aspects of ecstasy use will be viewed with doubt and suspicion by many young users. We do not wish to suggest no research has been done on pleasure and drug use, but instead to emphasize the extent to which such issues have been generally neglected. For examples of research on pleasure, drug use and addiction see Ettorre Peele and Warburton, ; Whereas Partridge , for example, suggests a more socio-cultural explanation, arguing that there exists a long-held European-North American consensus view that illicit drugs are inherently bad because of an intense dislike and mistrust of altered states of consciousness, Tiger has suggested that industrialized societies have devalued notions of pleasure. While the existing research literature has emphasized dance events as primary settings for using club drugs, these drugs are not exclusively used at dance events. One exception to this would be the work of Thornton who focused less on the internal happenings of the clubs themselves and more on the extent to which rave culture could be characterized as a sub-culture in the traditional sense. His focus is on the body and the sensual and pleasurable experiences of clubbing. For a further discussion of these negative effects see Hunt, Evans and Kares, However, it is also important to note that some researchers have suggested that taking ecstasy and attending dance events may gradually become routinized themselves and hence predictable and mundane. This idea has also been examined by Maffesoli who developed the notion of neo-tribes. This division based on short term versus long term effects has been noted by other researchers. Feeling that one now understands the meaning of life is not unusual for drug users. Some researchers have referred to this process of self-improvement as ego-work. See Reith For a fuller discussion see Campbell and Ortner As a library, NLM provides access to scientific literature. Drugs Abingdon Engl. Published in final edited form as: Drugs Abingdon Engl. Find articles by Geoffrey Hunt. Find articles by Kristin Evans. Hunt huntgisa ix. PMC Copyright notice. The publisher's version of this article is available at Drugs Abingdon Engl. 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Hanover buying Ecstasy

These datasets underpin the analysis presented in the agency's work. Most data may be viewed interactively on screen and downloaded in Excel format. All countries. Topics A-Z. The content in this section is aimed at anyone involved in planning, implementing or making decisions about health and social responses. Best practice. We have developed a systemic approach that brings together the human networks, processes and scientific tools necessary for collecting, analysing and reporting on the many aspects of the European drugs phenomenon. Explore our wide range of publications, videos and infographics on the drugs problem and how Europe is responding to it. All publications. More events. More news. We are your source of drug-related expertise in Europe. We prepare and share independent, scientifically validated knowledge, alerts and recommendations. About the EUDA. The analysis of municipal wastewaters for drugs and their metabolic products to estimate community consumption is a developing field, involving scientists working in different research areas, including analytical chemistry, physiology, biochemistry, sewage engineering, spatial epidemiology and statistics, and conventional drug epidemiology. This page presents the findings from studies conducted since Data from all studies can be explored through an interactive tool, and a detailed analysis of the findings of the most recent study, in , is presented. See our wastewater analysis hub page for more resources on this topic. Please note that due to the large amount of data involved processed on this page, it may take some moments before all content appears. In this section you can explore the data from the most recent study in , as well as from previous studies. Each study reveals a picture of distinct geographical and temporal patterns of drug use across European cities. Clicking on a symbol in the graph or the map will show more detailed information for a given wastewater treatment plant. You can also select a site from the drop-down menu. Preparing the data The data explorer is designed to work with most modern browsers but if this message is still visible after 1 minute, we recommend trying again with another browser. The findings of the largest European project to date in the emerging science of wastewater analysis are presented in this section. The results provide a valuable snapshot of the drug flow through the cities involved, revealing marked geographical variations. Wastewater analysis is a rapidly developing scientific discipline with the potential for monitoring real-time data on geographical and temporal trends in illicit drug use. Originally used in the s to monitor the environmental impact of liquid household waste, the method has since been used to estimate illicit drug consumption in different cities Daughton, ; van Nuijs et al. It involves sampling a source of wastewater, such as a sewage influent to a wastewater treatment plant. This allows scientists to estimate the quantity of drugs consumed by a community by measuring the levels of illicit drugs and their metabolites excreted in urine Zuccato et al. In , a Europe-wide network Sewage analysis CORe group — Europe SCORE was established with the aim of standardising the approaches used for wastewater analysis and coordinating international studies through the establishment of a common protocol of action. The first activity of the SCORE group was a Europe-wide investigation, performed in in 19 European cities, which allowed the first ever wastewater study of regional differences in illicit drug use in Europe Thomas et al. That study included the first intercalibration exercise for the evaluation of the quality of the analytical data and allowed a comprehensive characterisation of the major uncertainties of the approach Castiglioni et al. A standard protocol and a common quality control exercise were used in all locations, which made it possible to directly compare illicit drug loads in Europe over a one-week period during 10 consecutive years van Nuijs et al. Raw hour composite samples were collected during a single week between March and May in the majority of the cities. These samples were analysed for the urinary biomarkers i. In addition, the samples were analysed for the main urinary metabolites i. The specific metabolite of heroin, 6-monoacetylmorphine, has been found to be unstable in wastewater. Consequently, the only alternative is to use morphine, although it is not a specific biomarker and can also be excreted as a result of therapeutic use. The project findings revealed distinct geographical and temporal patterns of drug use across European cities see the data explorer. The annual SCORE wastewater sampling presented here, from 88 cities, showed that, overall, the loads of the different stimulant drugs detected in wastewater in varied considerably across study locations, although all illicit drugs investigated were found in almost every city that participated. For the first time, data from outside Europe is also shown and compared against European cities. The BE loads observed in wastewater indicate that cocaine use remains highest in western and southern European cities, in particular in cities in Belgium, the Netherlands and Spain. Low levels were found in the majority of the eastern European cities, although the most recent data continues to show signs of increase. The loads of amphetamine detected in wastewater varied considerably across study locations, with the highest levels being reported in cities in the north and east of Europe, as in previous years. Amphetamine was found at much lower levels in cities in the south of Europe, although with the most recent data showing some signs of increase. The observed methamphetamine loads in the other locations were very low, although most recent data show signals of increases in central European cities. For the second time, ketamine loads are being published. The highest mass loads were found in the wastewater in cities in Belgium, France, the Netherlands, and Spain. The study highlighted differences between these cities within the same country, which may be explained in part by the different social and demographic characteristics of the cities universities, nightlife areas and age distribution of the population. Interestingly, in the majority of countries with multiple study locations, no marked differences were found when comparing large cities to smaller locations for all substances. In addition to geographical patterns, wastewater analysis can detect fluctuations in weekly patterns of illicit drug use. More than three quarters of cities show higher loads of amphetamine, BE, ketamine and MDMA in wastewater during the weekend Friday to Monday than during weekdays. Seventy-three cities have participated in at least five of the annual wastewater monitoring campaigns since This allows for time trend analysis of drug consumption based on wastewater testing. Cannabis is Europe's most commonly used illicit drug, with an estimated However, both the level of use and trends in use reported in recent national data appear heterogeneous. In wastewater, cannabis use is estimated by measuring its main metabolite, THC-COOH, which is the only suitable biomarker found so far. Although it is excreted in a low percentage and more research is still needed Causanilles et al. In , there were diverging trends with 20 cities out of 51 reporting an increase in THC-COOH loads in wastewater samples, and 15 a decrease. Low levels were found in the majority of the eastern European cities, but the most recent data continues to show signs of increases. When comparing to study locations outside the European Union, cities in Brazil, Switzerland and in the United States show similar levels of use as the cities in Europe with the highest loads. A relatively stable picture of cocaine use was observed between and in most cities. The data revealed further increases in cocaine residues in most cities when compared to data, with 49 out of 72 cities reporting an increase, while 13 cities reported no change and 10 cities reported a decrease. An overall increase is seen for all 10 cities with data for both and These 7 cities were selected owing to the availability of annual data from to Contrary to previous years, in most countries with multiple study locations, no marked differences were found when comparing large cities to smaller locations. More than three quarters of cities show higher loads of BE in wastewater during the weekend Friday to Monday than during weekdays, which may reflect a pattern of more recreational use. A recent European project on wastewater found crack cocaine residues in all 13 participating cities and for all sampling days, with the highest loads reported in Amsterdam and Antwerp. Where data is available, when comparing to study locations outside the European Union, only cities in Switzerland show similar levels of use as the cities in Europe with the highest loads, while all the other location show low levels of MDMA use. General population surveys in many countries showed that MDMA prevalence was declining from peak levels attained in the early to mids. In recent years, however, the picture has remained mixed with no clear trends. Where prevalence is high, this may reflect MDMA no longer being a niche or subcultural drug limited to dance clubs and parties, but now being used by a broader range of young people in mainstream nightlife settings, including bars and house parties. Looking at longer-term trends in wastewater analysis, in most cases the loads increased between , and have fluctuated after this. In , possibly due to the fact that in the majority of countries nightlife was largely closed for long periods, almost half of the cities 24 of 49 reported a decrease with 18 reporting an increase. In , 38 out of 58 cities, reported a decrease. In , 28 out of 62 cities reported an increase and 27 a decrease. Of the 69 cities that have data on MDMA residues in municipal wastewater for and , 42 reported an increase mostly in northern Europe , 11 a stable situation and 16 a decrease mostly in cities in southern and central Europe. Of the 9 cities with data for both and , 9 had higher MDMA loads in than in As for cocaine, and contrary to previous years, in most countries with multiple study locations, no marked differences were found when comparing large cities to smaller locations. More than three quarters of cities showed higher loads of MDMA in wastewater during the weekend Friday to Monday than during weekdays, reflecting the predominant use of ecstasy in recreational settings. Amphetamine and methamphetamine, two closely related stimulants, are both consumed in Europe, although amphetamine is much more commonly used. Methamphetamine consumption has historically been restricted to Czechia and, more recently, Slovakia, although recent years have seen increases in use in other countries. The loads of amphetamine detected in wastewater varied considerably across study locations, with the highest levels reported in cities in the north and east of Europe. Amphetamine was found at much lower levels in cities in the south of Europe, although the most recent data shows some signs of increase. To examine the data, use the data explorer , also available on this page. Underlying data is available in source data. The observed methamphetamine loads in the other locations were very low to negligible, although most recent data show signals of increases in central European cities. Overall, the data related to amphetamine and methamphetamine from the 11 monitoring campaigns showed no major changes in the general patterns of use observed, although since increases were observed in several cities for both substances in regions where use has traditionally been low to negligible. Of the 65 cities with data on amphetamine residues in municipal wastewater for and , 26 reported an increase, 13 a stable situation and 26 a decrease. Of the 67 cities that have data on methamphetamine residues in municipal wastewater for and , 15 reported an increase, 13 a stable situation and 39 a decrease. In , methamphetamine use was found to be distributed more evenly over the whole week than in previous years, possibly reflecting the use of these drugs being associated with more regular consumption by a cohort of high-risk users. For amphetamine, more than three quarters of cities show higher loads during the weekend Friday to Monday than during weekdays. In , low levels of ketamine residues in municipal wastewater were reported by 49 cities, although with signals of increases. Of the 22 cities that have data on ketamine residues for and , 12 reported an increase, 8 a stable situation and 2 a decrease. The highest mass loads were detected in cities in Belgium, France, the Netherlands, and Spain. More than three quarters of cities showed higher loads of ketamine in wastewater during the weekend Friday to Monday than during weekdays, reflecting the predominant use of ketamine in recreational settings. Wastewater analysis offers an interesting complementary data source for monitoring the quantities of illicit drugs used at the population level, but it cannot provide information on prevalence and frequency of use, main classes of users and purity of the drugs. Additional challenges arise from uncertainties associated with the behaviour of the selected biomarkers in the sewer, different back-calculation methods and different approaches to estimate the size of the population being tested Castiglioni et al. The caveats in selecting the analytical targets for heroin, for example, make monitoring this drug in wastewater more complicated compared to other substances Been et al. Also, the purity of street products fluctuates unpredictably over time and in different locations. Furthermore, translating the total consumed amounts into the corresponding number of average doses is complicated, as drugs can be taken by different routes and in amounts that vary widely, and purity levels fluctuate Zuccato et al. Efforts are being made to enhance wastewater monitoring approaches. For example, work has been undertaken on overcoming a major source of uncertainty related to estimating the number of people present in a sewer catchment at the time of sample collection. This involved using data from mobile devices to better estimate the dynamic population size for wastewater-based epidemiology Thomas et al. Wastewater-based epidemiology has established itself as an important tool for monitoring illicit drug use and future directions for wastewater research have been explored EMCDDA, First, wastewater analysis has been proposed as a tool to address some of the challenges related to the dynamic new psychoactive substances NPS market. This includes the large number of individual NPS, the relatively low prevalence of use and the fact that many of the users are actually unaware of exactly which substances they are using. A technique has been established to identify NPS that involves the collection and analysis of pooled urine from stand-alone portable urinals from nightclubs, city centres and music festivals, thereby providing timely data on exactly which NPS are currently in use at a particular location Archer et al. The project applied innovative analytical chemical and epidemiological methods and a robust risk-assessment procedure to improve the identification of NPS, to assess risks, and to estimate the extent and patterns of use in specific groups e. Second, in addition to estimating illicit drug use, wastewater-based epidemiology has been successfully applied in recent years to providing detailed information on the use and misuse of alcohol Boogaerts et al. Furthermore, wastewater analysis can potentially provide information on health and illness indicators within a community Kasprzyk-Hordern et al. Third, the potential for wastewater-based epidemiology to be used as an outcome measurement tool, in particular in the evaluation of the effectiveness of interventions that target drug supply e. Close collaboration between the different stakeholders involved, including epidemiologists, wastewater experts and legal authorities, is highly recommended in order to start examining these potential wastewater-based epidemiology applications EMCDDA, High levels of MDMA were recorded during the whole monitoring period in one city in the Netherlands, suggesting continuous discharges of unconsumed MDMA from sources within the wastewater catchment area, indicating drug production was taking place in this region. Fourth, by back-calculating the daily sewer loads of target residues, wastewater analysis can provide total consumption estimates, and specific efforts are now being directed towards finding the best procedures for estimating annual averages. It is envisaged that findings from wastewater analysis can help to further develop work in this area. Finally, new methods such as enantiomeric profiling have been developed to determine if mass loads of drugs in wastewater originated from consumption or from the disposal of unused drugs or production waste. It is now important to assess the possible utility of wastewater analysis to report on drug supply dynamics, including synthetic drug production Emke et al. For example, recent malfunctioning of a small wastewater treatment plant in the Netherlands was caused by direct discharges in the sewage system of chemical waste from a drug production site. Further analysis revealed the actual synthesis process used to manufacture the corresponding drugs. The study confirmed that the chemical waste from the illegal manufacturing of stimulants will result in a specific chemical fingerprint that can be tracked in wastewater and used for forensic purposes. Such profiles can be used to identify drug production or synthesis waste disposal in the wastewater catchment area Emke et al. Wastewater analysis has demonstrated its potential as a useful complement to established monitoring tools in the drugs area. It has some clear advantages over other approaches as it is not subject to response and non-response bias and can better identify the true spectrum of drugs being consumed, as users are often unaware of the actual mix of substances they take. This tool also has the potential to provide timely information in short timeframes on geographical and temporal trends. In order to check the quality and accuracy of data, further comparisons between wastewater analysis and data obtained through other indicators are needed. As a method, wastewater analysis has moved from being an experimental technique to being a new method in the epidemiological toolkit. Its rapid ability to detect new trends can help target public health programmes and policy initiatives at specific groups of people and the different drugs they are using. In addition to the glossary below, see also Frequently-asked questions on wastewater-based epidemiology and drugs. Traces of drugs consumed will end up in the sewer network either unchanged or as a mixture of metabolites. Metabolites, the end products of metabolism, are the substances produced when the body breaks drugs down. Wastewater analysis is based on the fact that we excrete traces in our urine of almost everything we consume, including illicit drugs. The target drug residue is what remains in the wastewater after excretion and is used to quantify the consumption of illicit drugs in the population. Analytical chemists look for urinary biomarkers measurable characteristics to calculate population drug use in wastewater samples, which can be the parent drug i. Enantiomeric profiling is an analytical chemistry technique used to determine if studied drugs in wastewater originate from consumption or direct disposal eq. It is based on the fact that chiral molecules if only one chiral centre is present exist as two enantiomers opposite forms which are non-superimposable mirror images of each other. As the enantiomeric ratio will change after human metabolism, the enantiomeric fraction can be used to determine whether the studied drugs in wastewater originate from consumption. In order to estimate levels of drug use from wastewater, researchers attempt first to identify and quantify drug residues, and then to back-calculate the amount of the illicit drugs used by the population served by the sewage treatment plants Castiglioni et al. This approach involves several steps see figure. Initially, composite samples of untreated wastewater are collected from the sewers in a defined geographical area. The samples are then analysed to determine the concentrations of the target drug residues. A correction factor for each drug is taken into account as part of the calculation. In a last step, the result is divided by the population served by the wastewater treatment plant, which shows the amount of a substance consumed per day per 1 inhabitants. Population estimates can be calculated using different biological parameters, census data, number of house connections, or the design capacity, but the overall variability of different estimates is generally very high. Although primarily used to study trends in illicit drug consumption in the general population, wastewater analysis has also been applied to small communities, including workplaces, schools Zuccato et al. Using this method in small communities can involve ethical risks Prichard et al. In the SCORE group published ethical guidelines for wastewater-based epidemiology and related fields Prichard et al. The objective of these guidelines is to outline the main potential ethical risks for wastewater research and to propose strategies to mitigate those risks. Archer, J. Bade, R. Baz-Lomba, J. Been, F. Bijlsma, L. Boogaerts, T. Castiglioni, S. Causanilles, A. Daughton, C. Emke, E. Hall, W. Kasprzyk-Hordern, B. Kinyua, J. Krizman-Matasic, I. Lai, F. Mardal, M. Mastroianni, N. Prichard, J. Reid, M. Senta, I. Thomaidis, N. Thomas, K. Yang, Z. Zuccato, E. Show source tables. You can download the source data for drugs in wastewater in cities from our our data catalogue or use the links below to directly download the CSV files. Homepage Quick links Quick links. GO Results hosted on duckduckgo. Main navigation Data Open related submenu Data. Latest data Prevalence of drug use Drug-induced deaths Infectious diseases Problem drug use Treatment demand Seizures of drugs Price, purity and potency. Drug use and prison Drug law offences Health and social responses Drug checking Hospital emergencies data Syringe residues data Wastewater analysis Data catalogue. 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Introduction The analysis of municipal wastewaters for drugs and their metabolic products to estimate community consumption is a developing field, involving scientists working in different research areas, including analytical chemistry, physiology, biochemistry, sewage engineering, spatial epidemiology and statistics, and conventional drug epidemiology. Page last updated: 20 March World view Europe South America Oceania. Complete source data for all wastewater measurments, all cities, all years CSV format Wastewater treatment centres information table CSV format Changes in the mean weekly measurements by targeted substance, from wastewater analyses in selected European cities between and CSV format Aggregated trends in cocaine residues in 7 EU cities, to CSV format.

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