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An undercover agent arranged to purchase cocaine from two individuals associated with the cartel. Last Thursday, at a prearranged meeting in a parking lot in Bellflower, agents arrested the two men and seized 42 kilos of cocaine. If convicted, the men each face a maximum of 25 years in state prison. Previously, agents seized 22 pounds of methamphetamine from the Guadalajara drug cartel. The operation is the latest in a series of successful DOJ-led operations targeting transnational gang crime across California. In responding to transnational gang crime in California, the state Department of Justice provides a wide range of investigative skills and forensic resources. Skip to main content. Search Search. Home About. Grants Grant Opportunities. Programs See All Programs. Attorney General Kamala D. Tuesday, October 25, Contact: , agpressoffice doj.

Mexican Drug Cartels Have Turned Once-Thriving Guadalajara Into a War Zone

Guadalajara buy cocaine

Yet the industry, which emerged in the s, both fulfilled U. There were the local authorities who charged illegal taxes on the poorer tomato and chickpea producers. There were the vast landowners, who had co-opted the local farmers union and were squeezing out the small producers. There were the wannabe politicians, who fought bitterly to keep control of the party apparatus. And there were the drugs. A lot of drugs. No doubt the mysterious Inspector X was in Sinaloa during a particular peak in drug production. But he also put his finger on a trend. Throughout the century, it proved the source for between 10 and 20 per cent of US opiates and gradually it became the main font for heroin users in the southern United States, including the growing drug hub of Los Angeles. And even the plethora of works on US drug use skirt around opium manufacture south of the border Courtwright ; Jonnes ; Musto ; Schneider There are multiple reasons for this. Some are quite general. They include limited Spanish language usage among Western academics, the weight and import of some very good works on twentieth-century Asian opium production in particular, Bradford ; Gingeras ; McCoy ; Trocki , and the ongoing orientalist presumptions linking opiate use and the east. Others are more specific. Yet the evidence we have been able to access clearly shows that Mexico has been an important source of US opium for over a century. This article was based principally on archival research in US and Mexican archives. And it is this industry, rather than the marijuana, cocaine or amphetamine trades, that has done most to shape the Mexican narcotics business. Furthermore, it was between the years and that patterns of opium production, commerce, and sale became established and normalized in certain regions. In the first half of the twentieth century, there were three major chains that we know about. The second focused on smoking opium, was dominated by Chinese merchants, provided for the opium dens of northwest Mexico, and used opium grown on fields in northern Sonora. By the middle of the decade, some of these traffickers had also started to process the raw opium into morphine and heroin, which could be sold at a higher price on the US market. The location and profile of this industry would, in turn, shape the Mexican drug trade for the next seventy years. By piecing together this narrative, one particular element of the illicit economy becomes clear. Even before the era of globalization changes in the illicit economy paralleled and perhaps even pre-empted those in the licit economy. Pushed to improvise and shift strategies rapidly, drug traffickers were and still are at the center of broader economic changes. Deviant capitalism was always at the cutting edge Gilman et al. During the s the opium derivative morphine was used heavily as a pain medicine. After , so was the rather stronger opiate heroin. Most of these drugs were produced in Europe in the factories of the major pharmaceutical companies like Bayer and Merck. In the United States, during the first years of the twentieth century, a group of younger, poorer, often immigrant drug users joined the mostly middle-class women who had been prescribed the drug. In what would become a tediously predictable pattern, the US authorities gradually clamped down on the selling of the narcotics. In doing so they created a black market in the substances Courtwright A lot of the drugs were now smuggled in by boat to the big ports of the east coast Jonnes The most important entry point was Veracruz. In November an informant explained to a Mexican secret service agent how the drugs came in. Most were imported on German and Dutch passenger ships, often by boat employees such as barbers and cooks. Traffickers would pay the workers to move the drugs off the docks, taking them in small packets of four or five kilos. They would then deliver the narcotics to local pharmacists. In the most prominent of these was the Spaniard, Arturo Arrieta. He had strong contacts in Germany so strong, in fact, that the US authorities believed him a German spy and used these to acquire the drugs. He would package and relabel the narcotics as patent medicines before sending them by train to Mexico City. The involvement of pharmacists in the incipient narcotics industry is unsurprising. Just like in the United States, they dominated the early narcotics trade Spillane They had the contacts among the European pharmaceutical companies; they knew the small local market of drug users; and due to the growth of the pharmaceutical profession meant that they had a network of contacts in towns throughout the country and up to the border with the United States. Just a few years earlier they had sold all three products as vital medicines. Now they simply continued to import the products without filling in the necessary paperwork. In the Mexican health department attempted to clamp down on these pharmacists. They sent agents throughout the republic to investigate if they were keeping records correctly. Many were not. They were importing heroin, morphine and cocaine either without a license or in much larger amounts than the license claimed. In the end they gave out over a hundred fines. While most drugs were moved on, some stayed in the ports to serve small markets of local users. Cocaine chloride and German morphine from the Merck company or French stuff from the Pulene Brothers as no one bothered with a register of narcotics. In many pharmacies drugs were sold without fear and there were silversmiths who sold little silver boxes perfect to carry them in…. It was common to give 3 pesos to any street urchin, send him to a pharmacy, and get a gram of magnificent Merck cocaine. The health inspector who arrived in the port in found the same thing. Drugs were still easy to buy. You could purchase small amounts in bars, from barbers, or from street dealers. After the drugs arrived in the ports, they were shipped inland mostly by train. Those that came to Veracruz were moved to Mexico City, where they were delivered to another network of pharmacists. Felix was a chemist and pharmacist and owner of Botica de San Pedro in the center of the capital. Every day he would meet his brother at a cantina. And during the s the Mexican authorities busted dozens of Mexico City pharmacists flogging imported narcotics without a license. There was the owner \[of\] the Farmacia Roma, who was a friend of the Veracruz customs inspector, and who used to sell on decommissioned drugs. And there was Jacob Markensen, a Russian pharmacist, who in teamed up with a US doctor to import morphine and sell it to drug users. Just as in Veracruz, moving narcotics through Mexico City also generated its own small, local market of morphine and heroin users. Initially, most were relatively well-to-do individuals who had got hooked on morphine or heroin after being prescribed it by their doctors. In what appears like a very modern piece of drug marketing, a handful of entrepreneurial prisoners started to introduce cut versions of the narcotics to the imposing new Lecumberri jail during the early s. But little by little it grew to become one of the biggest subjects of commerce…. Soon we realized that around Cell Block F there were drug traffickers. First it was hidden in a milk bottle with a false bottom, then a few morphine capsules lodged in the nasal passages of a woman wearing a veil, then in the hollow of a wooden leg, then behind the photo of a girlfriend, then stuck behind the stamp of a letter, until at last there were innumerable ways that it was entering. Later we realized that inside that cell block there was an entire market established as the family members of the addicts brought in clothes, money, food, and even the drug itself and that there was not enough money in the world to establish an incorruptible vigilance on the trade. When the drug-using prisoners were finally released, they took their habits onto the streets. Here, they syphoned off a small amount of the narcotics going through the city, stored it in stash houses, and then either sold it straight out the door or gave it to small-scale street dealers to sell Renero Most were eventually executed by the authorities and filmed for posterity Piccato — After Mexico City, the pharmacists sent what remained of the European narcotics north by train. Again, transport infrastructure shaped the geography of the trade. Americans crossed the border to drink, eat, gamble, visit brothels, and shoot up heroin and morphine Ruiz 44— The brothers were former alcohol smugglers turned respectable businessmen. He had also bought up land to the south in the Chihuahua mountains and now presented himself as a mining prospector. The brothers sent a lot of the drugs over the border together with the illegal booze, often in return for stolen cars. These dealers in turn provided for a local market of American and Mexican users. But now La Nacha sourced heroin and morphine from pharmacists in Mexico City. The other principal manner of consuming opiates was in the form of smoking opium. A traditional mode of consumption in parts of Asia for centuries, this practice had become particularly widespread in China in the nineteenth century, when, helped by cheap British imports, it had percolated down from Chinese elites to the rest of society. Some became dependent on the drug. At the same time, thousands of Chinese immigrants came to settle either in the United States or when immigration there was prohibited in in Mexico. In the United States, they formed communities throughout the west coast, in San Francisco and Los Angeles, but also along the railways heading back east. Some of the immigrants brought with them their taste for smoking opium. They gradually developed a Mexico-based smoking opium network of their own. During the s, most of the smoking opium was imported into the small Pacific port of Ensenada by an alliance of Chinese, American, and Mexican businessmen. It was then split up. Some went north by horse and cart to the border cities of Mexicali and Tijuana. The rest was often shipped up to San Francisco. However, by the following decade, some Chinese immigrants, who knew how to grow poppies, harvest the gum and process the gum into smoking opium, had started to employ their knowledge in Mexico. At first, they grew the poppies wherever they could get permission to work the land. They started, it seems, in Baja California near the west coast markets. But the land was too dry and unforgiving. The opium it produced too was of poor quality. So soon they moved south and west to Sonora the epicenter of the Mexican Chinese population Sinaloa and Nayarit. After the train derailed, some of the passengers got off and started to collect flowers from the fields around. The local authorities in the coastal town of San Blas said they had rented the lands to a group of Chinese farmers. Here, farmers now added opium poppies to their crops of corn, wheat, chickpeas, limes, and oranges. As early as , an informant for the US customs service reported that a Chinese cook and a Chinese vegetable farmer were both growing poppy plantations on river-fed lands east of Altar. But the locals were also getting curious about the big returns. And in the same year the same informant claimed that a farmer, Alfonso Urice, was planting a small test crop. If this was a success, he would move on to more extensive production. By , many Mexicans had started to join the Chinese producers. Now local Mexican growers outnumbered the Chinese four to one. Due to a handful of police raids, most of the farmers had now reduced their crops to less than an acre, which they hid in the center of larger wheat or corn plantations. Yet it was still a profitable business. According to the US consul in Nogales, farmers in the region now grew to acres of poppies. It had become a major regional crop and produced around pounds of opium worth , pesos. The Chinese immigrants of Sonora were not only pioneering the growing of opium poppies, but also its processing into more valuable smoking opium. The job of harvesting and refining the raw opium gum was not particularly technically tough. Unlike making morphine or heroin, the process took no knowledge of chemistry. But it was hard work and — to do it well — it took a degree of artisan care. In a US Customs inspector, with a rare anthropological eye for the details of opium processing sent a report on the subject to his superiors. According to the inspector, the planting of opium was done in October. Harvesting was done in March. The farmers now no longer used the traditional Chinese curved blades, but safety razor blades often impressed into a stick. The Chinese maintained that the pods should be scored in the late afternoon. Previously the Chinese farmers had rolled the sap into balls and wrapped them in leaves. Now they poured out the sap and let it cure into quarter to a half inch slabs. Cooking down the dried opium gum into smoking opium was still often done by Chinese immigrants who had escaped the deportation campaigns waged against their communities. They took the slabs of opium, broke them with a hammer and placed them in copper bottles. They then added water and heated the mixture slowly, making sure not to scorch it. When the liquid was cooked, it was then strained through linen to cool in a copper container. At this point, the cooks occasionally added brandy or flowers for flavor. At this point, this high-grade smoking opium could be packaged and sold. At this point the cooks favored storing the drug in specially made copper cans. During the late s and early s, politicians throughout the northwest of Mexico harnessed economic nationalism to existing Sinophobia. In Sonora, Sinaloa and to a lesser extent in Chihuahua and Baja California, this led to the expulsion of large swathes of the Chinese community. In , there were over 24, Chinese immigrants in Mexico. The campaign blew a hole in the nascent smoking opium market. As demand dropped, so did incentives for growing opium. However, starting in things changed. Increasing conflicts in Asia cut off the west coast of the United States from traditional sources of raw and smoking opium. And by , war in Europe had even interrupted the traditional pharmaceutical supplies of heroin and morphine. Drug users across the United States started to get desperate. Some got so fraught they started to heat up, liquefy, and inject pure, unprocessed opium. This version would outlast immediate demand, get reinforced with the expansion of counterculture drug use from the late s, and go on to shape the Mexican drug trade for the next seventy years. At first, this third version of the commodity chain looked very much like the second. It was centered slightly south of the former growing fields of Altar, on the fertile lands of the Mayo River Valley around Huatabampo or of the Yaqui River Valley around Buenavista. So, traffickers increasingly looked to growing the crop in more remote fields in the Sierra Madre Occidental. The Golden Triangle had some distinct advantages for growing drugs. It was a rugged, mountainous area crisscrossed by narrow, low-lying river-fed valleys where poppies would grow. It was dotted by jagged peaks which made discovering such valleys extremely difficult. Poor, unemployed miners were looking for new sources of capital. Here roads and railways ran down to Guadalajara and up to the border at Nogales. By , they extended the railway west to Tijuana. The pick-up was gradual. Then there were those that got the knack and started to sow much larger areas and contract people. A full hectare of poppies produced around 15 kilos of gum. Prices per kilo varied: pesos if you were under contract and needed to sell it back to the intermediary who had given you the seeds, the blades, and the instructions; pesos if you sold it on the rural open market; pesos if you risked going into the city and selling it to the major wholesalers. With a bit more land, a bit more knowledge, or a bit more nerve you could pull in ten times that amount. In comparison the average wage for a rural laborer was less than a peso a day. Such were the incentives that by the end of the decade growing opium in the region had become relatively generalized. Small patches of red dotted the Sierra. In the Mexican government reported that it had discovered small plots of opium poppies in the municipality of Sinaloa de Leyva, in Badiraguato, and 15 in Mocorito. Most were little more than 20 or 30 rows of plants. But some were larger including a plot of 1. Cooperation marked these early peasant forays into the drug business. At the most basic level there was the cooperation at the level of the family. While men usually sowed the seeds, set up the rustic irrigation systems and went down to the lowlands to sell the gum, women and children were charged with weeding the crop and harvesting the gum. But there was also cooperation among larger groups of villagers. Peasants linked by friendship, family, and compadrazgo would club together to service the demands of the expanding market. It was twenty kilos and he needed it in two weeks. I asked a compadre from La Lapara ranch to help me gather 10 kilos. They bought only from the people of Badiraguato. They used to give the opportunity to sell all the harvest that we brought together. We used to come to an agreement to gather together everything we harvested in October. Those that bought up the crop in the mountains and delivered to production or transport hubs in the coastal lowlands were the intermediaries. These also handed out seeds and taught highland peasants how to care for the poppies and harvest the gum. The vast majority of these early intermediaries were merchants, who simply added opium gum to the standard products that they bought up from their peasant clients. When a health department inspector visited the region in November , he found that Cuen also presided over a network of opium growers. He had not purchased any opium yet as the harvest was late. Like any savvy businessman he was waiting for the prices to settle. But he offered to take the agent up to hills to review the crops which were planted three hours by horse-ride in the hills outside the village. Above the intermediaries were the opium wholesalers. These came, at least initially, from a different social class to the highlanders. They were wealthier, better educated and more urban; many even spoke English. Most were based in lowland towns and cities, with good links to transport routes to the border. They would buy up the gum in bulk from the mountain intermediaries and then organize its smuggling over to the United States. During the s, the most prominent of these wholesalers was Roberto Dominguez Macias. At first, he worked with the few remaining Chinese opium buyers. In January the police arrested his original Chinese partner, Luis Ley. In the glove compartment of his car they found a small flask with three grams of smoking opium. Ley admitted that he and Dominguez had been growing opium poppies for two years. The following day Dominguez was pulled in and questioned; he denied everything. He claimed he was a merchant from Ensenada currently living at the Hotel Sinaloa. He owned an interest in a brick-making factory and an export license for guano. They also included tomato merchants, who stacked the gum underneath the fresh produce. By the end of the decade the Americans claimed that he moved around a ton of opium gum north each year. The trade had made him a millionaire. They were seldom caught. But when they were, they offered an insight into this sporadic involvement in the trade. He handed it to Gutierrez who would take it to the border. Gutierrez would then hand it over to Ramiro, who would sell it for money and stolen US cars. These had arrived in the country to work on the sugar estate of the big plantation owner, Benjamin F. They had survived the anti-Chinese campaigns of the early s, and after Johnston died and the plantation was divvied up among the peasants, they increasingly turned to the opium trade Cordova Like many of those who would get involved in the trade, they flitted in and out of dealing in illicit products depending on a weighing up of risk and reward. And like the Mexican traffickers who migrated to the United States from the s onwards, they used their existing networks to dominate the trade in their new homes Morris The most notorious — or at least the most frequently busted — was Enrique Ley. Born in Canton in , Ley came over to Mexico as a child, and was among the last wave of Chinese immigrants. He moved to Los Mochis in the early s and teamed up with other Chinese merchants to buy local coffee, sugar, and vegetable crops in bulk and then send them to the Chinatowns of northern Mexico and the southern United States. By the late s, he was also sending packages of prepared opium paste to Chinese customers throughout Mexico. The scheme led to his first arrest in In July that year, the authorities in the southern city of Puebla captured two Chinese businessmen as they picked up five kilos of raw opium from the local post office. The businessmen confessed that they intended to sell the opium to various drug stores with predominantly Chinese clienteles. The sender, they claimed, was Ley. He was arrested and jailed for a year. When he came out in late , Ley moved up the chain. He took advantage of the increase in opium production to start buying up serious weight; he started to process the raw gum into much more profitable smoking opium, and he started moving the finished product up to the United States. By the U. They claimed that Ley had persuaded a fishing captain to take kilos of smoking opium up the Pacific coast to Los Angeles. The voyage would have netted Ley , pesos in just one trip. Opium, though, was an unreliable business. The following year Ley was busted yet again. In May two Mexican agents based on the border took the train south to the railway town of Guamuchil. They were working on a tip that a Chinese hotelier had 75 kilos of opium to sell. When they arrived, they were disappointed. He had already sold the opium to an enterprising general. A month later, however, their luck picked up. The Chinese hotelier phoned them to say that Ley had more opium to buy in Los Mochis. The agents rushed down again. They met Ley on his farm just outside the city and negotiated to purchase 48 cans of smoking opium and eight kilos of raw gum. As soon he produced the goods, they arrested him. He had flipped the tables and claimed that the two agents had framed him out of revenge as he had refused to buy opium from them. And in the Chinese American agent reported that the Los Mochis opium industry was back in full swing. He claimed that seven Chinese merchants were now involved. Some were longtime residents. Others had come up especially from Guadalajara to buy up the harvest. Again, as in the highlands, cooperation trumped competition. And by bargaining together, they bought the product at a reduced price before divvying it up and sending it off to their respective buyers. While he was in Los Mochis, the agent tracked down each of the merchants and talked over the business in depth. Their unguarded conversations give us some idea what happened when the old Chinese traders met the new Mexican incarnation of the trade. According to the Los Mochis buyers, opium was more plentiful than ever. Some was completely fake. There were no standards commission for dope and no formal training for planters. Negotiations between the groups were also tough. The Chinese expected to pay a regular charge of around 1, pesos per kilo; they had done so for years. The Mexicans were keen to ride the opium bonanza and were holding out for nearly double the price. There was also increasing competition. Mexican traffickers, allegedly linked to the state governor of Sinaloa, were trying to pre-empt the Chinese buyers, and so were mafia-run heroin labs in Guadalajara. The Los Mochis buyers also revealed the continuing scope and reach of the Chinese trade. In they expected to fill 9, five-ounce cans. This amounted to over a ton of smoking opium and was worth over 1. The smuggling routes were varied. Most went up via train or boat to Mexicali where it was either consumed by the resident Chinese or shifted over the border by the brother of one of the merchants, a millionaire Mexicali trafficker called Benjamin Ungson. According to the same source, however, increasing US Customs attention had also brought new routes into play. Many cans were now driven up to the tiny border town of Naco on the Arizona border by the taxi-driving son of one of the merchants. He then handed it over to US smugglers who took it the rest of the way. The Los Mochis buyers clearly had the knowledge and capability to transform the raw opium into more profitable smoking opium. At the beginning of the s, there was no similar techniques for morphine or heroin. You also needed access to basic laboratory equipment. At first, Golden Triangle wholesalers such as Dominguez had to move the raw opium up to the United States, where it was transformed into usable product. However, by , US officials reported that they were seizing both morphine and heroin on the Mexican border. But there were certainly three laboratories operating south of the border by the middle of the decade. The first establishment was based to the south of the growing zone in the city of Guadalajara. Here she reduced it into good quality heroin. Both labs were impressive establishments. When the two were eventually arrested in December , the papers claimed that the equipment in the Guadalajara was worth over , pesos. There was another laboratory to the north of the poppy-growing region in the Sonoran capital, Hermosillo. Lavat had learned to process opium into heroin from a Swiss chemist in the early s. He now ran a small laboratory. He used an airline pilot to take the heroin from Hermosillo up to Nogales. Here it was either paid for with cash, with cars, or increasingly with guns and ammunition. Lavat would sell these to his cousin, who also happened to be head of the Mexican Department of Civil Aeronautics. We know much less about these because neither the United States nor the Mexican authorities ever got near them. The closest they got was a raid on a small, mobile rural lab, run by Miguel Urias Uriarte in But it was unclear whether this particular lab did anything more than boil down the raw opium gum. Certain entrepreneurial intermediaries and wholesalers had realized that they could make much greater profits by processing the opium into heroin. To do so, they started to buy up the necessary chemicals from local drugstores and pharmacies. But then there were people who had this vision to get ahead and got into the chemistry. Soon he was put in charge of buying up chemicals and medicines for the pharmacy at the border in Nogales. It was here that he started to purchase the chemicals necessary to transform opium into low-grade heroin. Between and Mexico became a substantial source of the opiates consumed in the United States. The means of that supply changed over time. At first Mexico simply acted as a transit point for heroin and morphine that had been processed in Europe. But by the s, a handful of entrepreneurial Chinese immigrants and Mexican farmers were also growing opium poppies in Baja California and Sonora. They were also processing this raw gum into smoking opium. From the late s onwards traditional supplies of US narcotics were gradually shut off. So, farmers from the Golden Triangle started to grow opium poppies in bulk. At first, they simply harvested the gum, sold it to bigger wholesalers, who transported it in its raw state over the border. But by the middle of the decade, they had also started to process the raw gum into morphine and heroin. This story also demonstrates the tight links between developments in the licit and illicit economies. Drug trafficking in the s and early s was based on a Porfirian economic model, with its stress on manufactured imports, the expansion of farmlands often at the expense of indigenous groups and immigration. Early morphine and heroin were imported and piggybacked transatlantic trade. Early opium growing relied on the opening up of irrigated fields along the rivers of northern Sonora. Early Chinese opium entrepreneurs used migrant networks, like their Mexican successors in the United States, to build up commercial dominance. And the shift from producing opium to producing heroin ran alongside a new official emphasis on producing manufactured goods rather than raw materials. By the s the Mexican government had started to reduce its reliance on the export of primary materials and emphasize the production of manufactured goods. It suggests that even more than half a century ago drug traffickers were at the forefront of or even pre-empting economic changes. This narrative of shifting trafficking routes also suggests why the Mexican authorities have found it so hard to stamp out the narcotics business. Lying to the south of the biggest global market for drugs simply makes it impossible. Even when Mexico was not directly producing the drugs, it provided the easiest transshipment route for traffickers. In the s it was European morphine and heroin. In the s and s it was French Connection smack. In the s and s it was Thai stick and tons of cocaine. Now it is fentanyl and other synthetics. In the early s, it took less than a couple of years for Golden Triangle growers to start to supply New York drug users. By the early s, it took barely six months for Mexican suppliers to take over the market left by the closing down of the French Connection heroin factories. In the highlands, poppy growing thrived in an isolated region with limited access and rain-fed valleys, and amongst a population with limited economic opportunities and traditions of communal cooperation. In the lowlands the trade piggybacked on existing networks of merchants and entrepreneurs with access to good infrastructure, and already-established trade links to the United States. By the mids a few combined these advantages with the knowledge of how to produce homemade heroin. We do not have exact figures for the s, but this was the figure given for the s. Farmacia , May ; Farmacia , Oct. Farrill to jefe del departamento, 27 Nov. El Democrata , 25 July Creighton, 22 Mar. Hoover to Secretary of Treasury, 13 Sept. Dominguez — mentioned above — was one such businessman. But even today such career paths are common. Anabel Hernandez mentions many Sinaloa businessmen dabble in drugs to fund orthodox business. Report from Anslinger report, 8 June We would like to thank the British Academic Newton Award for the funding that made this article possible. Astorga, L. El siglo de las drogas : del Porfiriato al nuevo milenio. Mexicco City: Delbolsillo. Booth, M. Opium: A History. New York: Macmillan. Bradford, JT. Poppies, politics, and power: Afghanistan and the global history of drugs and diplomacy. Ithaca: Cornell University Press. Bucardo, J. Campos, I and Gootenberg, P. Chao Romero, R. The Chinese in Mexico, — Tucson: University of Arizona Press. Courtwright, DT. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Davenport-Hines, R. London: Orion. Dormandy, T. London: Bloomsbury. Porter in Alvarez, I et al. La Amapola en Crisis. Auge y Decadencia del Opio Mexicano. Rayando la bola y cortando la rama: The production of opium and marijuana in Sinaloa — ca. Gingeras, R. Heroin, organized crime, and the making of modern Turkey. Oxford: OUP. Gonzalez, F. Berkeley: University of California Press. Gootenberg, P. Andean cocaine: the making of a global drug. El traidor: El diario secreto del hijo del Mayo. Mexico City: Penguin Random House. Inglis, L. New York: Pegasus Books. Jonnes, J. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. Kinder, DC. Anslinger and Illicit Narcotics Traffic. McCoy, A. The Politics of Heroin in Southeast Asia. Morris, N. Musto, DF. New York: Oxford University Press. Crecimiento y Crisis de la Mineria en Sinaloa — , Unpubl. MA thesis, UAS. Pembleton, MR. Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press. Perez Montfort, R. Piccato, P. City of Suspects: Crime in Mexico City, — Durham: Duke University Press. Opio en Sonora, una practica ilegal, — Tesis, Licenciado en Historia, Universidad de Sonora. Porter, R and Teich, M. Drugs and Narcotics in History. Cambridge: CUP. Quinones, S. Renero, M. Ruiz, RE. Berkeley: University of California. Shavone Camacho, JM. Schneider, E. Smack: Heroin and the American City. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. Spillane, J. Cocaine: from medical marvel to modern menace in the united states, — From silver to cocaine: Latin American commodity chains and the building of the world economy, — Trocki, CA. London: Routledge. Home About. Research Integrity. Crime Beyond Borders. Keywords: opium Latin America Mexico heroin morphine. Year: Submitted on Jul 29, Accepted on May 10, Published on Dec 2, Peer Reviewed. CC BY 4. Morphine, heroin and the European connection During the s the opium derivative morphine was used heavily as a pain medicine. Smoking opium, the Chinese connection, and the start of opium poppy growing The other principal manner of consuming opiates was in the form of smoking opium. Conclusions Between and Mexico became a substantial source of the opiates consumed in the United States. Funding Information We would like to thank the British Academic Newton Award for the funding that made this article possible. Competing Interests The authors have no competing interests to declare.

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