General Santos buy cocaine

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General Santos buy cocaine

Africa is no stranger to cocaine trafficking. For about two decades, the continent has been used by drug-trafficking organizations seeking to transport their product securely from South America to the lucrative European consumer markets. West Africa and the Sahel have borne the brunt of the cocaine trade, which has spurred a rise in local addiction , corrupted institutions and hobbled governance. Cocaine trafficking continues, but the routes used by traffickers are changing. The three largest cocaine seizures recorded in the region this century occurred between and , including two in Morocco. They found kilograms of cocaine buried in a container of frozen meat. The Oran cocaine shipment can be traced to the Brazilian port of Santos, where, in April, a container with the hidden drugs was loaded aboard the MSC Amalfi. It was one of 15 containers of frozen meat. The shipment seemed routine, as Chikhi owned at least two meat import companies and had contracted with a Brazilian company over the last seven years for halal meat. The containers were offloaded in Valencia, Spain, on 23 May, where they were reportedly searched by Spanish police and customs officials. The results of this search are unknown, but Spanish authorities allowed the containers to be loaded onto a second vessel, the Vega Mercury , which then departed for Algeria. But it did not end there — a number of others were implicated, including prosecutors, the son of a former Algerian prime minister, and a driver for the national police chief , General Abdelghani Hamel, who was dismissed from duty by the president. The Chikhi affair has already led to the removal of some powerful figures, most notably Hamel, an ally of and potential successor to President Abdelaziz Bouteflika, and Major General Habib Chentouf, an army officer seen as a potential successor to the current army chief of staff. The size of the shipment suggests that the trafficking route connecting South America to Europe via Algeria is already well established. There is a risk that this route, as well as those through Morocco and other North African countries, will become more popular for traffickers in the coming years. This is due to various factors. Numerous logistics links — planes, ferries and commercial ships — connect the southern rim of the Mediterranean to the southern edge of Europe, with large numbers of people and volumes of goods moving between the two on a daily basis. These licit transport links offer significant benefits to drug traffickers, who, as in the Chikhi affair, can hide drug shipments among other commodities. Traffickers are also being driven to North Africa because of the growing risks they face along the established trafficking routes through the Sahel and the Sahara. In recent years, the number of armed groups, including terrorists, insurgents and militias, operating in areas transected by these routes has steadily risen. International actors, including the French, Americans and the UN, have consequently deployed in the region, focusing surveillance there. Neither the lucrative Europe cocaine market nor conflict in the Sahel and Sahara is likely to change significantly in the near future. Hence, there is a distinct likelihood that cocaine trafficking through North Africa will continue, and probably increase, in the years to come. In other areas in which cocaine traffickers have operated, such as Central America and West Africa, the impact of the trade on local communities and states has been significant. This is also likely to be the case in North Africa, though the threats are unlikely to be violent in nature, or even highly visible. Instead, the main impact of cocaine is likely to be the corrupting effect it will have on regional governments. Work by Global Initiative experts has underscored the corrosive impact that trafficking of cocaine has had on governments in Guinea-Bissau , Mali and Niger , sparking institutional decay, contestation among powerful figures over the narco-dividends and, in some cases, the direct involvement of state officials in drug trafficking. While profound political and socio-economic differences exist between West African and North African states, that does not render the latter immune to the risk of significant narco-corruption. But it goes further — the Chikhi affair seems to have become a pretext for high-level competition within the authorities, used by those in power to move against or sideline potential competitors. If cocaine trafficking continues to be a feature in the North African region, it is likely that such institutional impacts of the trade will increase in severity and frequency. It is essential that North African governments also prepare themselves to deal with local rising cocaine or crack use. Currently, few Algerians or Moroccans use the drug. South American cocaine traffickers, however, often pay local assistants in cocaine — a portion of which often gets sold on into the domestic market. In a number of transit countries, this has spiked local consumption levels. Due to the potential risks associated with cocaine trafficking, it is important for North African states and the broader international community to maintain strategic alertness on the issue, and be ready to systematically address a range of potential threats associated with cocaine trafficking. Governments must not presume that the Maghreb is an exception to the risk of narco-corruption, government corrosion or cocaine addiction. The cost to the region could be very high. Instead, they should strategically plan to address the worst — and act accordingly. Author s Matt Herbert. Posted on 21 Sep Cocaine and corruption in North Africa: Looking ahead In other areas in which cocaine traffickers have operated, such as Central America and West Africa, the impact of the trade on local communities and states has been significant. Related analysis.

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General Santos buy cocaine

The Port of Santos broke another record last year. It handled Soybeans, corn, orange juice, meat, and cellulose are among the cargoes that pass in greater volume on the freighters that leave the port every day. In the first months of , the numbers continue to impress. Between and , the Federal Revenue seized tonnes of the drug in containers or hidden in parts of ships that were about to set sail. This year, up to June, it was 6 tonnes. The destination is almost always Europe. The operation began after a police officer was murdered. And although the focus is not on the fight against international drug trafficking in Santos, this is the main background that the police officers involved in the operation have to deal with. The exploitation by drug traffickers of the port of Santos, as well as others in the country, is a problem without a clear solution, and one that exposes the limitations of police, customs agents, and other authorities around the world. Despite constant variations, the modus operandi is usually to disguise the illegal in the legal. A sniffer dog and the use of scanners assisted the Federal Revenue and Federal Police agents in the seizure. In February, the cover was a container of bags of peanuts to be exported to Poland. The freighter was scheduled to call at Antwerp. Among the peanuts were tablets containing kilos of cocaine. In March, traffickers hid packages containing a total of kilos of cocaine in a foot container loaded with soy protein. Destination: Antwerp. Again, dogs and scanners helped agents. Laniel is a veteran expert in monitoring drug trafficking. But he said the transit of cocaine nowadays in containers to Europe impresses authorities. In addition to Brazil, Ecuador, and Colombia are also major cocaine suppliers to Europe. The Europeans calculate that between and , 58 tonnes have been detected in the Ecuadorian port of Guayaquil on ships bound for Europe and on ships already docked in Europe that have recently arrived from Guayaquil. Santos appears in second place: 25 tonnes. Despite the increase in detections, total seizures by the Federal Revenue are down. Santos is not the only option for Brazilian traffickers. Last year, 2. However, Santos seems to be the favorite option, judging by the number of seizures. In , out of a total of In , of the 24 tonnes, And this year, between January and June, out of a total of 8. Illegal connections between the city and European ports have contributed to a change in crime in the city and the region around Santos. Many have already abandoned the local trade to focus on European demand, Mr. Loubeh said. The change in scale, he added, has had an impact on crime, as more money began to circulate in the underground market. More warehouses and spaces in the favelas were rented to store cocaine before shipment, and more people began to work in the criminal apparatus. The criminal group that operates inside and outside the prisons also relies on the structure of Santos, according to prosecutors. Santos also serves as logistics for operations between other Brazilian and European groups. In , a court convicted a gang that operated in Santos. Criminals who were part of a Serbian mafia were also part of the group. The flow of the drug between South American and European ports was the subject of discussion among officials on both sides of the Atlantic Ocean. And it was on the agenda of the summit between the leaders of the two regions held in Brussels in mid-July. In mid-July, it was the turn of Eric Snoeck, commissioner general of the Belgian judicial police, and Peter Debuyscher, director of international cooperation and vice-president of Interpol for Europe, to receive the director general of the Federal Police, Andrei Rodrigues, to discuss strategies to increase cooperation in the fight against drug trafficking, the Federal Police reported. Only three countries serve as the primary source of all cocaine in the world: Bolivia, Colombia, and Peru. The Federal Police has been working on joint operations in ports and training with police in Belgium and other European countries. Investigations revealed that the group trafficked 17 tonnes of the drug. But even with cooperation, intelligence, and joint operations, criminal groups continue to move tonnes of drugs across the seas, with holes in ports on both sides of the Atlantic. Johansson recalled that. Just like there, in Brazil only a sample of cargo is scanned, sniffed, and inspected in detail. In the same speech, Ms. Johansson was didactic in describing the current state of international smuggling. And they target port workers, shipping, transportation, security personnel, law enforcement, and customs officials. Criminals infiltrate sports clubs. They take jobs at the ports just to get close to these people. And they offer a lot of money for information, access, container codes, and crane operators to place a container in an easily accessible location. It is estimated that these Europeans will consume astonishing tonnes of cocaine. That would require more funds, more manpower, and, she adds — repeating a refrain familiar to police and prosecutors — tougher court sentences for traffickers. Renato Sergio de Lima, of the Brazilian Forum for Public Security, talks about improving governance and being more explicit about the inspection and traceability of shipments. The Federal Revenue said it works with customs in several countries and with important bodies such as UNODC and Interpol, which help in intelligence and repression work. The Port Authority of Santos, a state-run company linked to the Ministry of Infrastructure, responsible for the management and supervision of port facilities and public infrastructure, said in a note that the fight against drug trafficking is a matter for the Federal Police. Valor asked the Federal Police what it considers to be fundamental for Brazilian ports not to be exploited by drug traffickers as they are today, and whether a new strategy is being developed. The Coordination of Drug Enforcement said it would not answer because it did not consider it wise to address these points publicly. Translation: Carlos Dias. In a sort of relaunch, investment firm gathered three new partners in new holding company. Trade organizations ask for review of EU-Mercosur agreement and exclusion from future pacts with Australia and Thailand. Port of Santos gains space in cocaine trafficking, sees crime change. Exploitation by drug traffickers has limitations of authorities not only in Brazil but around the world. More from Valor International. Expectations give Central Bank breathing room to keep forward guidance. Government mulls using only one dose of vaccine at first. Amazon starts offering logistics services to retailers. Home-bound Brazilians going with large screen TVs. Gol to conclude merger with Smiles by April Tarpon reviews strategy and draws new partners. European sugar producers press against concessions to Brazil.

General Santos buy cocaine