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Are the revolutions we are currently witnessing in Tunisia and Egypt essentially urban revolutions? Like many observers, I have been keenly watching and left somewhat dumbfounded by the extraordinary events that have unfolded since 14 January in Tunisia and which, over the last week, have also spread to Egypt a country I know very little about, I must confess. However, in retrospect, I realise that there were in fact a number of signs during my visit to Tunisia last autumn and in my contacts with colleagues in Sfax that should have caught my attention — as should have the Facebook petition against Ben Ali running for a sixth term in office, signed by a surprising number of people in late September. In this article, I would like to share some of my observations concerning certain aspects of the protests, which have spread like wildfire from Tunisia to Egypt, Jordan and Yemen. These observations are made in my capacity as a geographer who is familiar with numerous Arab countries, with one eye turned to recent papers and studies. The first point I propose to make is that we are dealing with revolts and revolutions that are essentially urban in nature. The surrounding country areas, despite being universally very poor, seem far less involved in recent events. Is this an effect of the media? It would appear that we are witnessing — as commentators have highlighted with regard to Tunisia — a revolt that is essentially driven by young, educated city-dwellers from the lower and middle classes. Protests and demonstrations have been essentially urban. In Tunisia, for example, we have witnessed a gradual movement of protesters towards the capital. This movement first began in small and medium-sized cities inland cf. It then grew in strength by absorbing the discontent and frustrations of the coastal cities e. Sfax, Hammamet before finally culminating in the capital, yet with no reduction in intensity in the other cities. Outside Tunisia, though, eyes were mainly focused on the capital. The riots in Ettadhamen, a large, poor informal settlement in the north-west suburbs of Tunis, marked a turning point before the crystallisation and convergence of different movements in the centre of Tunis. In Egypt, the capital has, from the outset, been the focal point of mobilisations, which would appear to be very strong in Alexandria and Suez, too. However, noticeably less was heard about cities in the Nile Delta and southern Egypt at least in the media to which I had access. To the best of my knowledge, the protests in Yemen were also overwhelmingly urban. In Jordan, demonstrations have been concentrated in Amman, with other major cities such as Zarqa and Irbid less involved. One might nonetheless question the relevance of this opposition between town and country. This violence is portrayed as tribal by commentators, and is often associated with reprisals between clans. And yet, for the blogger Muhammad Nas Black Iris of Jordan , this repeated violence can also be interpreted as a challenge to the government with regard to its ability to foster civic values, in a context marked by corruption and the impoverishment of the population. In other words, these outbreaks of protests in areas outside major cities represent not so much a politicisation as a challenge to the state. Without doubt, therefore, it would be inaccurate to interpret the current movements as a malaise that is uniquely and specifically urban — even if it is indeed in the cities where this malaise reaches its peak and produces its most prominent political effects. Unlike social protest movements, which remained restricted to certain locations e. This has given rise to striking images that have never before been seen in these capital cities that are normally so orderly and regimented in the strongest sense of the term. In these capitals, we can observe a situation of great confusion that includes the contestation and degradation of symbols of power e. The factors that have triggered these protests are multiple; furthermore, it is very difficult to generalise from one country to another — or even from one city to another. Factors such as unemployment, urban living conditions, the exposure of corruption and demands for democratic freedoms all come together and are reinforced in such protests. Although the last two factors mentioned may appear to be the most important, it should be pointed out that sentiments of dissatisfaction and unhappiness have, in recent years, led to numerous eruptions of discontent and forms of resistance which, in a sense, have prefigured the current movements and perhaps prepared the ground to some extent. The effects of the financial crisis have been different in each Arab country, but certain common features can be identified. In Tunisia, the manufacturing sector is largely export-oriented and has proved highly sensitive to the drop in European consumption; tourism has suffered from competition with other destinations, reduced spending power among Europeans, and above all a change of focus towards clientele from Eastern Europe. All these factors combined have led to reduced income for workers. In Egypt, tourism has also suffered from the effects of the crisis however, this is not the case in Syria, where the tourism sector is booming. Across the region as a whole, migration to Europe or the Persian Gulf has slowed down, while outside investment is at a standstill particularly investment from the Gulf in — The participation of Middle Eastern countries in neo-liberal globalisation, which has accelerated in recent years, has had cruel consequences: the liberalisation movement and opening up to investors was very much controlled by the respective regimes, and consequently benefited above all the bourgeois classes associated with these regimes very closely associated in the case of Tunisia — as well as other places. These economic changes were well analysed in the recent overview article entitled Maghreb et Moyen-Orient dans la mondialisation 'Maghreb, Middle East and Globalisation' by the geographer Bouziane Semmoud see here. In particular, lower salaries and higher unemployment — which go hand in hand with increased inequality and the perpetuation of a small, ostentatiously wealthy elite — form a particularly fertile environment for the mobilisation of young people. Particular attention must also be drawn to tensions in the housing market. Anyone who has travelled through the suburbs of an Arab city cannot fail to have noticed the poor state of the housing there, which often does not comply with building regulations and the regularisation of which is only possible after long negotiations where residents are at the complete mercy of the authorities whose decisions are often arbitrary , caught between corruption and social violence. More recently, new tensions have emerged. The new regularisation standards for these neighbourhoods, characterised by liberal paradigms, seek to legalise the housing they contain and distribute the land titles among residents. This competition for land has the effect of driving out residents and causing property prices to rise. Young people from the lower and middle classes are particularly affected, in particular because, firstly, Arab cities have little in the way of rental markets, and secondly, marriage and subsequent cohabitation as a couple are dependent on the acquisition of a dwelling which will often be their home for life. Indeed, one might wonder whether these protests have acted as a sort of test bed, which the current revolts have merely extended. Another important element of the malaise affecting cities in the Arab world is without doubt transformations and reforms that have an impact on public services. One of the key factors that has driven mistrust and protests with regard to these reforms is rising costs. These, in turn, can be explained by the increase in oil prices, which leads to increases not just in fuel prices — and therefore public transport fares — but also in the price of gas and diesel used for cooking and heating, as well as electricity and water. These rises in public-service costs form part of an inflationist movement that also affects retail foodstuffs. Different price increases have greater or lesser effects on different social classes. The middle classes, for example, are particularly sensitive to increases in fuel prices, which restrict car mobility; however, the lower classes, who use public transport, suffer the consequences too, of course. In Jordan, Syria and Lebanon, these issues are the subject of much media coverage. Dissatisfaction with public services is often also much more basic, though: city-dwellers have to deal with electricity supply problems and power cuts requiring costly access to other energy sources ; this, together with water-supply problems frequent shortages occur, making access to other supply sources a necessity , constitutes yet another cause of recurrent discontent. Here too, I cannot help but wonder about certain points: have these occasional revolts served as precursors to, or rehearsals for, the protests and demonstrations currently under way? To attempt to answer this question, it would be interesting to look more closely at the leaders of these movements, and try to establish whether the forms of mobilisation, the means of voicing opinions, or even the negotiations with the forces of order that were implemented at the time also exist in the present situations. One likely consequence of the current protest movements is that the reforms in question will be suspended or even cancelled. Already, the Jordanian and Syrian regimes have announced reductions in fuel prices or assistance payments for certain social categories. In Jordan, the increase in electricity prices was forcefully called into question in , and the same thing happened in Lebanon. Here, the authorities face an economic and social dilemma: they have little room for manoeuvre, as these services, which are often inefficient, are still heavily subsidised and give rise to considerable debts; and yet they would appear to be one of the last remaining symbols of social equity — even if, in reality, despite the existence of 'social rates', it is not the very poorest who benefit from these low rates see, for example, the issue of drinking-water pricing in Tunisia. The first few days after Ben Ali fled Tunisia were marked by pillaging by 'militians', apparently linked to the regime, who also terrorised the population. We then witnessed the emergence of forms of community organisation to ensure security locally, based on acquaintanceship and local social control, and lauded by many observers as proof of the 'maturity of the Tunisian people'. This has also been observed in Egypt since the weekend, with the 'disappearance' of police from the streets. Given the collusion of sections of the police with the regime, and the violent suppression exercised, the forces of order largely appear to have lost all legitimacy, and this state of affairs could continue throughout the whole period of protest or transition. In the coming weeks and months, in addition, the economic crisis and unemployment could worsen, in particular because of the slump in tourism and a 'wait-and-see' attitude on the part of investors, leading in turn to greater social tensions. The rebuilding of urban order appears to be a major objective at the present moment in time, despite the fact Arab cities were, until now, considered relatively safe. The Iraqi breakdown provides a somewhat extreme illustration of such processes, in particular because of the context of foreign invasion. By analysing the events that followed the breakdown of the New Order regime in Jakarta in the late s, he has demonstrated that the political violence that occurred at the moment of the overthrow of the regime was a continuation of other forms of social violence fights between clans, delinquency, and control of the street by criminal organisations. Faced with these outbreaks of violence, city residents organised themselves at neighbourhood level — indeed, often in symbiosis with the criminal organisations present in their area. The strength of neighbourhood leaders comes not just from their party allegiances, but also from their integration at local level, often through surveillance and knowledge of the workings of the social and economic contexts, including the informal economy. In a study devoted to the Imbaba neighbourhood of Cairo, the political scientist Patrick Haenni analysed the roles of local leaders in the political structure of working-class neighbourhoods. This also brings to mind Lebanon and the militia control at neighbourhood level that resurfaced following the confrontations of see Mona Fawaz, Ahmad Gharbieh, Mona Harb, Beirut. Mapping Security. It is very likely that, in the transition periods emerging in these two countries as well as in other countries that have been affected , these sorts of local organisations will be called upon to play a fundamental role, probably openly, to a similar or greater extent than Islamist mobilisations and perhaps in opposition to them. Since January, Arab cities have entered a period of profound upheaval. The urban struggles currently under way clearly illustrate the issues at stake for the opponents to the incumbent regimes who are occupying and controlling public spaces with a view to changing the political order. These struggles are also a consequence of the profound failures not just of urban economies faced with the global economic crisis, but also of basic city functions such as housing and public services. These issues will no doubt be a major topic of future political debate. On a day-to-day level, the breakdown of police order and uncertainty regarding the provision of urban security in the context of an escalating economic crisis will represent a crucial challenge for political transition and the reinvention of a new civic order. Skip to main content Subscribe Facebook Twitter. About Submit a paper Donate. Riots in Tahrir Square, January 29, Download PDF. An urban drama The first point I propose to make is that we are dealing with revolts and revolutions that are essentially urban in nature. A failing urban economy The factors that have triggered these protests are multiple; furthermore, it is very difficult to generalise from one country to another — or even from one city to another. Urban violence and the rebuilding of urban order The first few days after Ben Ali fled Tunisia were marked by pillaging by 'militians', apparently linked to the regime, who also terrorised the population. The original article was written on 1 February Make a donation Support Metropolitics! Arab city revolution urban economy collective action Arab Spring Egypt Tunisia. Villes internationales. Chabbi, Morched. Signoles, G. Sidi Boumediene dir. Duren ed. Feynerol, Olivier. Haenni, Patrick. Iraki et al. Legros, Olivier. Participations citadines et action publique. Semmoud, Bouziane. See also. In Tunisia, the management of sub-Saharan migration has in recent years become a new sector of employment. Reimagining Skill Nichola Lowe - 12 October Nichola Lowe argues that skill needs to be reimagined, not erased from efforts to strengthen the institutional The popular mobilization that rose up in Algeria in was not only a revolt against living conditions that had In the fall of , peaceful protesters in Lebanon were demanding an end to corruption and calling for a movement France is a place of paradoxes: cannabis is widely consumed, and yet legalization does not seem to be on the cards, Other resources online. Mobile Lives Forum. How are cyclist and pedestrian deaths depicted in newspaper reports, and how do these reports help shape The city of Lahti in Finland was the first to experiment with a carbon-trading scheme among its inhabitants to Strasbourg is the leading city for cycling in France and a constant source of inspiration for all French cities While emissions from the transportation sector remain at a very high level, all hopes are currently pinned on the Newsletter Subscribe to the newsletter Subscribe. Submit a paper Contact the editors Submit a paper.

‘Employ us or kill us’: Tunisian youth on the margins

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Ettadhamen, Tunisia — Montasser Khedher turned 24 on Monday. Instead, he spent a large part of his birthday on a plastic chair on the curb, across from a cafe in this suburb of the capital, an empty cup of coffee on the table between himself and about half a dozen friends. While he is among many other young, unemployed Tunisians, he said being from Ettadhamen puts him at a distinct disadvantage. Police regularly stop and search him or demand his ID card any time he goes into downtown Tunis, he said. Despite their age, the situation has already taken a toll on Khedher and his friends. Sunday marked the seventh anniversary of the fall of Tunisian leader Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, who was forced from power after the Tunisian revolution. People gathered for a commemoration in the capital while protesters marched along the main avenue downtown, to demand the government cancel a contentious budget law that has hiked up prices. For many people across the country, the economic situation has remained the same, or worsened, since the Ben Ali era. Unemployment sits at about 15 percent, while some 30 percent of youth are without jobs. On Sunday night, youth in Ettadhamen clashed with police who reportedly fired tear gas into the neighbourhood. The young protesters threw stones and set tyres on fire to block roads, local media reported. But, according to Khedher, the problem is that Ettadhamen is over-policed. Before the clashes broke out on Sunday, the neighbourhood was full of police and military officials who closed roads and set up barricades. Tunisian President Beji Caid Essebsi was in town to highlight the refurbishment of a local youth centre. But Khedher said he was frustrated that the state would allocate money to a youth centre, when residents have trouble making enough money to meet their basic needs. Maha Kasdaoui, a youth programme director with the Amal Association for the Family and Child, which works to support young people in Ettadhamen, told Al Jazeera economic conditions are dismal. Teenagers are in a critical period between the age of , when they are most vulnerable to dropping out of school. As Al Jazeera spoke to Khedher and his friends on the pavement, another local resident rolled down the window of a white van, its right-side door wide open. He had turned the vehicle into a makeshift taxi to take residents around the area. Each ride costs less than one Tunisian dinar — about 30 US cents, he said. Mohamed Iqbel Ben Rejeb, head of the Rescue Association of Tunisians Trapped Abroad, which works to repatriate those who have joined violent groups abroad, said youth across the social spectrum in Tunisia have been recruited. Ben Rejeb told Al Jazeera government estimates show 27, Tunisians have attempted to join violent groups abroad since March About 3, succeeded in reaching conflict zones, and Tunisians who joined such groups have returned to Tunisia so far. They are looking to be listened to. They are looking for something to do. Meanwhile, some residents have left Tunisia to start their lives elsewhere, including Oussama, 26, who grew up in Ettadhamen but left the country in He told Al Jazeera he took a boat with dozens of other undocumented migrants to Italy, and today he is a resident of France. Back in town to visit his family, he said life in Ettadhamen has always been hard. Things have become more difficult. By Jillian Kestler-D'Amours. Published On 16 Jan 16 Jan Sponsored Content.

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