Daniel Arap Moi

Daniel Arap Moi




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Daniel Arap Moi
97. Daniel Arap Moi: A Ruthless Dictator 2020-02-10 2022-02-21 https://ipatc.joburg/wp-content/uploads/2018/03/logo.png Institute for Pan African Thought and Conversation https://ipatc.joburg/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/artboard-1.png 200px 200px
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Author: Adekeye Adebajo
Date: 10 February 2020
Publication: The Guardian (Nigeria)
Image supplied by: The Nationaal Archief
Daniel Toroitich arap Moi, Kenya’s president from 1978 to 2002, died on 4 February at the age of 95. He was one of Africa’s most ruthless and uncouth autocrats. Moi was born in September 1924 in a rural Rift Valley settlement as a member of the country’s Kalenjin ethnic group. His herder father died when he was only four, and he attended Christian mission schools, before working as a teacher from 1946 until 1955, when he joined the British-controlled Legislative Council.
Moi was one of the founders of the Kenya African Democratic Union (KADU) in 1960 to challenge the hegemony of founding Kikuyu president, Jomo Kenyatta’s Kenya African National Union (KANU). KADU sought to protect the rights of minority ethnic groups by promoting a federal system (“majimboism”). The party was, however, soon co-opted by KANU, and Moi became home affairs minister before becoming vice-president in1967. He was often underestimated as a subservient political lightweight with limited ambitions.
After Kenyatta died in August 1978, Moi became president. He was so terrified of the Kikuyu clique around the presidency known as the “Kiambu Mafia” that he fled his home in the Rift Valley. Only slowly did he grow into the role and gain the confidence to run the country. He traversed Kenya promoting unity, released political prisoners, and announced a strategy of Nyayo, vowing to follow in Kenyatta’s footsteps.
Moi, however, soon became comfortable with the trappings of the autocratic accoutrements he had inherited: his predecessor’s tyrannical robes were made to be worn. He abandoned his previous commitment to federalism for central control. Moi also established a personality cult, with bank notes and coins bearing his image; and universities, schools, roads, and public buildings named after him. Statues were erected in his image. He surrounded himself with compliant cronies and feckless flatterers. He carried the ivory stick so beloved of African autocrats, wielding it as if it had mystical powers.
Moi soon declared the country to be a de jure rather than de facto one-party state in July 1982, banning all opposition to his rule. An attempted coup d’état by the country’s air-force a month later provided him with the opportunity to unleash his iron fist, and he never sheathed his sword. At least 159 people were killed in the subsequent trials. Marxism was banned as a subject of study at the country’s universities, as the anti-intellectual autocrat launched a vicious assault on the country’s ivory towers. Draconian media laws were passed. Civil servants were forced to join the ruling party.
All political opposition was crushed, and a “rule by plot” instituted. There was a clamp-down on the intelligentsia and civil society, with secret police operatives infiltrating these organisations. A torture chamber was set up in Nairobi’s notorious Nyayo House in which many dissidents were jailed, starved, and killed. Leading intellectuals like Ngugi wa Thiong’o, Micere Mugo, and Alamin Mazrui were hounded into exile. Nobel peace laureate, Wangari Maathai, and other civil society activists were violently persecuted for protesting against human rights abuses and corrupt efforts to turn Uhuru Park into a skyscraper. Moi’s regime reached its nadir when Luo foreign minister, Robert Ouko, was murdered in 1990. A subsequent investigation revealed Ouko had been killed in one of Moi’s presidential residences, probably with the president himself present.
Moi tightened his grip on key institutions such as the rubber-stamp Parliament, judiciary, and security services. He clamped down harshly on independent media. The end of the Cold War and street protests eventually culminated in multi-party politics, at the cost of 1,000 fatalities. Moi won elections in 1992 and 1997 through bribery, intimidation, violence, and rigging, as politics became a means of waging war by other means. He won respectively just 36% and 40% of the vote against a divided opposition: far from the over 90% which contemporary autocrats in Egypt and Rwanda award themselves. His weapon of divisive ethnic violence in the hands of his successors, however, came within a whisker of plunging the country into civil war in 2007. The country’s diabolical political wizard had released the ethnic genie from the national lamp.
Kenya’s economy, which is East Africa’s largest, stagnated under Moi’s rule. Graft (“magendo”) became a by-word of the Moi regime, as he hollowed out the country’s major institutions. The “Anglo Leasing” scandal of the 1990s involved state contracts being awarded to fictitious firms. The Goldenberg scandal of the same epoch involved a scheme in which the government supposedly subsidised gold exports to raise foreign currency. The fraud allegedly involving Moi, cabinet members, and crooked businessmen cost the country over 10% of its Gross Domestic Product. In 2007, Wikileaks exposed secret trusts, shell companies, and shadowy frontmen in corruption that was later estimated to have cost Kenya $4 billion. Following in the footsteps of Kenyatta, Moi reportedly stole large tracts of public land, awarding some to ministers, mandarins, and military brass hats as part of political patronage.
As Marxist regimes spread in neighbouring Ethiopia and Tanzania, the West regarded Kenya as a bulwark against such ideological influences. Moi thus became a strategic ally during the Cold War. American and British troops were hosted, and like another Western Cold War client, Zaire’s Mobutu Sese Seko, Moi presented himself as indispensable to holding the country together, even as both dictators’ cynical manipulation of political divisions made such instability inevitable once they had left power. As he was pushed by the West to adopt a multi-party political system, an embittered Moi felt betrayed by his former patrons for whom he had outlived his strategic usefulness. Moi hosted a mediation process on Sudan which eventually culminated in the independence of South Sudan by 2011. He was also involved in the successful effort to revive the East African Community by 2000.
Having left office in 2002 after 24 years in power, Moi retired to his sprawling Kabarak farm – one of seven homes – in Nakuru county, rarely making public appearances. He did, however, continue to influence national politics, with president Mwai Kibaki also appointing him Kenya’s Special Peace Envoy to Sudan in 2007.
Moi married Lena Bomett, a fellow teacher, in 1950, but they separated in 1974 (she died in 2004). They brought up eight children together, and a son Gideon is currently a Kenyan Senator. In his final years, the wheelchair-bound Moi’s health began to fail and there were reports of dementia, water in the lungs, and knee problems. He remained a life-long member of the African Island Mission Church, and often liked to portray himself as an ascetic, devout Christian who shunned alcohol and material possessions, and condemned mini-skirts and hippies. Paying tribute to his political mentor, Kenyan president, Uhuru Kenyatta – son of the founding president – noted that “Daniel arap Moi ran a good race, kept the faith, and now he is enjoying his reward in heaven.” It is, however, unlikely that the Almighty will so easily swing open the gates of Paradise to such a ruthless autocrat. Based on his ghastly 24-year record in power, Moi is more likely to end up going the other way.
Professor Adekeye Adebajo is Director of the University of Johannesburg’s Institute for Pan-African Thought and Conversation in South Africa.
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Ms Naledi Ramontja is a Research Assistant at the Institute for Pan-African Thought and Conversation (IPATC). She obtained a Bachelor’s and an Honours degree in International Relations and Diplomatic Studies at UP. Her research interests include African political literacy, decolonisation, foreign policy, security studies and peacekeeping, and gender studies.
Dr Tinuade Adekunbi Ojo is a Post-Doctoral Research Fellow at the Institute of Pan-African Thought and Conversation (IPATC). She holds a doctorate in Political Science from the University of Pretoria in South Africa. She obtained a Master’s and Honours degrees in Development Studies from the University of South Africa. She is a feminist political economist, and her work explores the gendered dimension of trade, financial inclusion, digital transformation in policy, politics, and digitalization. She also specializes in international political economy, gender inequality, and poverty reduction strategies. She has several publications in accredited journals. Dr Ojo is currently the African Association of Political Science (AAPS) program officer and a recipient of the Global Stature Award at the University of Johannesburg.
Ms Hope Tshepiso Dhlamini is a Communications Intern at the Institute of Pan-African Thought and Conversation (IPATC). She obtained Public Relations and Communication Management Diploma Qualification at the University of Johannesburg in South Africa. She is currently enrolled for an Advanced Diploma in Brand Innovation at IIE Vega School. She has a passion for Sustainable Development and Social Change since she was nominated for the 2021 Mail and Guardian 200 Young South Africans competition. Ms Dhlamini received a salutation award for Academic Excellence in 2020 and 2021 Faculty of Humanities Deans List and Top-Achievers awards, respectively.
Ms Kamogelo Segone is a Research Assistant at the Institute for Pan-African Thought and Conversation (IPATC). She has completed her Master of Arts in Political Studies degree and obtained a BA Honours degree from the University of the Witwatersrand in South Africa. She specializes in Pan-Africanism, decolonial thought, feminist theory, and modernity studies. Ms Segone has published several opinion editorials.
Malaika Wa Azania is a Researcher at the Institute for Pan-African Thought and Conversation (IPATC). She holds a Master of Public Affairs at the University of Pretoria and another Master of Science in Urban Regional Planning at the University of Johannesburg in South Africa. She obtained her undergraduate and Honours in Geography from Rhodes University in South Africa. She is a Pan-Africanist feminist and bestselling author of internationally acclaimed books and has published opinion editorials and book chapters. She has served on several continental structures such as the Secretary-General of the African Youth Coalition, and the youth representative of the SADC Food and Nutrition Security Committee. She also served in the SADC election observer mission in the harmonised elections in Zimbabwe in 2013.
Dr Chidochashe Nyere is a Post-Doctoral Research Fellow at the Institute for Pan African Thought and Conversation (IPATC). He holds a doctorate in International Relations at the University of Pretoria in South Africa. Dr Nyere holds a Master’s degree in International Politics at the University of South Africa, and completing another Master’s degree in Human Rights Law (LLM Multidisciplinary Human Rights) at the University of Pretoria. Dr Nyere is a certified English Language editor. His research interests are as follows: decolonial studies, international relations, African politics, academic literacies and human rights. He has several publications.
Ms. Hellen Adogo is a Research Assistant at the Institute for Pan-African Thought and Conversation (IPATC). She obtained a Master of Political Science from the University of Johannesburg and a Bachelor of Arts (Honours) in International Relations from the University of Pretoria, South Africa. Her key research interests include Africa-China relations, African agency in international relations, and BRICS-Africa relations.
Dr Noluthando Phungula is a Post-Doctoral Research Fellow at the Institute for Pan-African Thought and Conversation (IPATC). She obtained her doctorate from the University of KwaZulu Natal (UKZN) in South Africa. She holds a Master’s in International Relations from UKZN. Dr Phungula’s research interests focus on conflict transformation and peace studies, China-South Africa relations, and governance in local government.
Dr Rich Mashimbye is a Post-Doctoral Research Fellow at the Institute for Pan African Thought and Conversation (IPATC). He holds a doctorate in International Relations from the University of Pretoria in South Africa. His research focuses on regional organisations, conflict resolution and intervention, sovereignty, norms, and security studies. Dr Mashimbye has published in several journal articles.
Odilile Ayodele is a Senior Researcher at the Institute for Pan-African Thought and Conversation (IPATC). She holds a D.Litt. et Phil in Political Studies at the University of Johannesburg (UJ), and obtained her BA, BA (Hons), an MA in International Relations from the University of the Witwatersrand in South Africa. She completed a Postdoctoral Research Fellowship at the South African Research Chair: African Diplomacy and Foreign Policy at UJ. Odilile is currently the convenor of the South African Association of Political Studies (SAAPS) research committee on international relations and diplomacy, an associate editor and book review editor of the Journal of BRICS Studies, as well as the book review editor of the African Journal of Political Science. Her current research projects centre on Global Technopolitics including, the international relations of technology, and digital diplomacy in Africa.
Ms Lesego Motsage is a Student Assistant at the Institute of Pan African Thought and Conversation (IPATC). She is a BA Honours in Politics and International Relations student and completed her BA Social Sciences degree (cum laude) at the University of Johannesburg in South Africa. Her research interests focus on women empowerment, the fourth industrial revolution (4IR), and artificial intelligence technologies in relation to women in Africa.
Mr. Vusimuzi Gumbi is a Research Assistant at the Institute of Pan African Thought and Conversation (IPATC). He is currently pursuing his Master’s in Politics at the University of Johannesburg (UJ) and obtained his BA (Honours) in Politics and International Relations at UJ, with a distinction. His research interest in elections and political processes, and democracy and governance institutions were reinforced when he was deployed by the Electoral Institute for Sustainable Democracy in Africa (EISA) to Lesotho in 2017 and Mozambique in 2019, as part of the electoral team. In 2020, he won Season 8 of the South Africa’s Youth Leadership Reality Show, One Day Leader, hosted by the SABC. He has published many opinion editorials in several newspapers in South Africa.
Ms Nqophisa Diko is a Researcher at the Institute for Pan-African Thought and Conversation (IPATC). She is a doctoral candidate in International Relations at the University of Pretoria in South Africa. She obtained her Master of Social Science degree from North-West University in South Africa. Ms Diko has a great interest in the political economy of developing countries, decoloniality of economic and political relations, and BRICS studies. She has several journal articles and opinion editorials.
Dr Hlengiwe Phetha is a Post-Doctoral Research Fellow at the Institute for Pan-African Thought and Conversation (IPATC). She holds a doctorate in International Relations and Political Science, from the University of Zululand in South Africa. Dr Phetha’s areas of interest are international relations, youth development, gender-based violence, corruption, and ICT. She has broadly published on peacekeeping and conflict resolution, South Africa’s foreign policy, and access to education and employment opportunities.
Dr Emmaculate Asige Liaga is a Researcher at the Institute for Pan-African Thought and Conversation (IPATC). Her research interests focus on the analysis of conflict and conflict resolution mechanisms and approaches, and peacebuilding in Africa.  Dr Asige has worked as a researcher in several countries and has widely published in accredited journals.
Dr. Mabutho Shangase is a Researcher at the Institute for Pan-African Thought and Conversation (IPATC). He also lectures in the Department of Politics and International Relations (UJ). He holds a Ph.D. in African Studies from the University of Edinburgh (UK). Dr Shangase has widely published and his research interests centre around the Post-Apartheid State, South African Public Policy, South African Political Economy, and Regional Integration.
Professor Siphamandla Zondi is the Acting Director of the Institute for Pan African Thought and Conversation at the University of Johannesburg and acting Co-Director of the Institute for Global African Affairs co-hosted by UJ and the University of the West Indies, Barbados. The former staff of the University of Pretoria obtained his MPhil and doctorate from the University of Cambridge in England. His research interests revolve around the decolonisation of being, knowledge, and power in a number of subject areas. He currently teaches introduction to political science and research methodology but has recently also taught courses on foreign policy, diplomatic studies, democratic politics, and African political economy. He has authored or co-authored more than 70 accredited research outputs and is recognised as an established researcher by the National Research Foundation in South Africa. He is the current Chair of the South African BRICS Think Tank and leads the UJ BRICS+ Research Project. He is a commissioner on the National Planning Commission of South Africa.
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Ms. Ratidzo Chido Makombe is a Researcherat the Institute of Pan African Thought and Conversation. She is also currently a PhD student in Development Studies at the University of Johannesburg. She obtained a Master’s in International Relations from the University of the Witwatersrand in South Africa.
Ms. Thandeka Nomvele is a Research Assistant at the Institute for Pan-African Thought and Conversation. She completed her Undergraduate Degree in Political Studies and an Honours Degree in Politics and International Relations, both from the University of Johannesburg (UJ). She previously worked as a Student Assistant with the Institute.
Dr. Adeoye O. Akinola is the Head of Research and Teaching at the Institute for Pan-African Thought and Conversation (IPATC). He obtained a doctorate in Political Science from the University of KwaZulu-Natal (UKZN) in South Africa. He was a Lecturer at Obafemi Awolowo University (OAU) in Nigeria; a Post-Doctoral Fellow at UKZN and the University of Zululand; and a Visiting Professor at the United Nations University for Peace (UPEACE) in Addis Ababa. He is the author of the book, Globalization, Democracy and Oil Sector Reform in Nigeria ; co-author of Boko Haram’s Terrorism and the Nigerian State ; and editor and co-e
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