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Cuenca where can I buy cocaine

At Guayaquil, Ecuador's biggest port and export hub, drug gangs and the coast guard play a cat-and-mouse game, vying for supremacy of the river among the many hidden inlets and tangles of mangrove. One officer says that some of the drug traffickers are so adept at scaling ships and covertly planting drugs on them that they are like 'spidermen. Excluding oil, 80 percent of Ecuador's exports pass through here, including key products such as bananas and shrimp. According to Alvarez, Ecuador has become the main cocaine distributor in the world, with most of the drugs originating in neighbors Colombia and Peru -- the world's top producers of cocaine. To the right of them is a forest of mangroves shielding shrimp farms. To the left, miserable poverty-stricken neighborhoods in which gangs rule with an iron fist. And in the middle of the water lane, a massive container ship about six stories high -- the perfect vessel for a hidden drug stash. On the one hand, they have to look out for speed boats, semi-submersibles also known as 'narco subs' and even submarines now employed by ever-wealthier drug traffickers along the nearly mile channel that connects Guayaquil to the open sea. It is a very, very complicated task to control all this,' one officer told AFP on condition of anonymity for fear of being targeted. Another threat is criminals who bring drugs from ashore in canoes or small boats, use ropes or ladders to clamber up the sides of tankers and container ships bound for the United States or Europe, and hide the contraband there. The intruders, some of whom pose as fishermen, usually act under the cover of darkness, sometimes with the complicity of the crew, according to the coast guard. According to Alvarez, the gangs often follow the vessels carrying their illicit goods, and 'do not hesitate to open fire' if they spot anyone on their tail. They adapt constantly' -- also trying to buy off members of the security forces. The gangs are in cahoots with three major transnational traffickers: Mexico's Sinaloa and Jalisco New Generation cartels -- which are behind the influx of fentanyl into the U. The same patrols are also tasked with securing the waterway to the protected Galapagos archipelago from illegal Chinese and Spanish fishing fleets. And while the task is sometimes overwhelming, the state of emergency declared last week to put down a violent gang uprising 'has changed things in our favor,' said Alvarez. Once a bastion of peace, Ecuador has recently been plunged into crisis after years of expansion by transnational cartels. The latest violence was triggered by the escape from Guayaquil prison just over a week ago of one of the country's most powerful narcotics gang bosses. The government declared a state of emergency and countrywide curfew, infuriating gangsters who declared war against civilians and security forces, launching several deadly attacks and taking dozens of hostages. Most have since been freed. By Sunday, Ecuador's security forces said they had taken control of several prisons back from gangs and reported more than 1, arrests, 27 escaped inmates recaptured and eight gangsters, whom the government describes as 'terrorists,' killed. For year, much of the violence has concentrated in prisons , where clashes between inmates have left more than dead, many beheaded or burnt alive, since February Last week, hundreds of soldiers patrolled near-deserted streets in Ecuador's capital after the government and drug mafias declared war on each other, leaving residents gripped with fear. The small South American country has been plunged into crisis after years of growing control by transnational cartels who use its ports to ship cocaine to the U. President Daniel Noboa, 36, gave orders last week to 'neutralize' criminal gangs after gunmen stormed and opened fire in a TV studio and bandits threatened random executions of civilians and security forces. Less than two months after taking office, he declared the country in a state of 'internal armed conflict. More from CBS News. Many Cubans still waiting for power to return after days of blackout. Thousands of migrants leave southern Mexico for the U. North Carolina communities devastated by Helene determined to stay. Trump says he'd hire a year-old CEO. There aren't many of them. Chrome Safari Continue. Be the first to know. Get browser notifications for breaking news, live events, and exclusive reporting.

Territories of Extreme Violence in Ecuador’s War on Drugs

Cuenca where can I buy cocaine

Jump to navigation. Four massacres in three different supermax penitentiaries took the lives of over inmates in Cuenca, Latacunga, and Guayaquil. Forensic reports revealed dozens of beheadings and hundreds of mutilated bodies. After the riots, body parts and corpses were found scattered in hallways, courtyards, and cell blocks. The exact number of deaths was still unknown months after the mass killings. In the wake of these massacres, Ecuadorian human rights organizations have reported serious problems with the forensic human identification process, and journalists and scholars have decried the lack of official information and government accountability. Back in May , the government declared a crisis in the prison system, deployed military troops to maximum-security penitentiaries across the country, and replaced public servants with police personnel. Yet the official narrative characterizes these massacres as the result of a war between gangs working for Mexican cartels. According to the National Police, narco-organizations have taken control over Ecuadorian penitentiaries and are managing the drug business from behind bars. President Guillermo Lasso has also mobilized the gang war hypothesis to explain the latest surge in homicides and crime in large and medium-size cities, particularly in poor neighborhoods. The visual violence has been instrumental in advancing this narrative among the public. Gory mobile phone videos filmed by inmates during the massacres and circulated on social media showed gruesome scenes: a heart in the hands of a laughing prisoner, a beheaded body lying on top of a pile of burnt corpses, a stripped-naked inmate being murdered in a prison yard, and other disturbing images of cruelty and torture. Looking at the work of crime intelligence within Ecuadorian supermax prisons since helps complicate the official narrative, which is problematic at various levels. First, the cartel war theory puts the blame on prisoners and suggests narco-violence is exterior to Ecuador. Second, it neglects the multiple and diverse international crime networks coordinating cocaine smuggling routes. Third, it hides the prominent role of state agencies in reorganizing local cocaine markets. This exchange of crime intelligence for prison privileges grew into a feedback loop between the formation of prison gangs and the metrics of police success, specifically the number of cocaine seizures. I focus on Ecuadorian cocaine markets because, according to official numbers given to the press, cocaine hydrochloride represents Heroine interdiction only accounts for 0. E cuador did not have supermax prisons before Now the country has three of them—precisely the prisons where the killings happened. Until , the relocation of prisoners from one detention center to another was subjected to intense dialogues between inmates and prison wardens. The widespread commodification of prison space had the blessing of authorities through unspoken forms of corruption, even if it meant an inability to classify incarcerated populations according to offense or imprisonment status. This unit was put in place with five low- and mid-rank officers, whose job was basically to recruit informants among inmate populations to keep prison violence under control and generate crime intelligence. The information they gathered was related mostly to anti-narcotics investigations and cocaine seizures. By , there were over 50 police officers working full-time on prison intelligence across the country. They did not receive any formal training and operated without a clear legal framework. The instant messaging application WhatsApp was the most common communication channel between intelligence operatives and prison informants. In addition to mobile phones, anti-narcotics intelligence transactions included concessions with regards to inmate transfers. These informants, often relatively powerful inmates, took advantage of such privileges to self-segregate into cell blocks and gain more power among inmates. When the massacres took place last year, all three supermax penitentiaries where they happened were organized around this concept of crime intelligence and a paradoxical logic of exchange that juxtaposed the interests of drug trafficking and anti-narcotics policing. The paradox lies in how, through intelligence operations, prison gangs help destroy the market in order to become relevant in the cocaine business, and simultaneously, the police allow the growth of organized crime within penitentiaries in order to dismantle the cocaine market. This became a ticking bomb that, by , wound up transferring the entire prison administration to the Ecuadorian National Police when President Lasso appointed a police general as chief director of the national prison management system at the end of last year. According to police officials, 80 percent of homicides in the country are related to disputes over cocaine commercialization, and most recently , connections have been made between cocaine seizures and violent clashes between drug trafficking groups inside and outside prisons. In alone, the country registered over 1, murders , similar to historic record-highs seen only in the most violent times in Ecuador. In police parlance, the term territory refers to a chaotic space yet to be regulated and controlled, a zone of abandonment and unrest. A prison, a neighborhood, a port, or a city can be seen as a territory or as part of a territory. Territory is a spatial conceptualization of security and surveillance in a country with a militarized and centralized police structure. Territory is also a way of imagining the cocaine market as an edge space. Police, and the state by implication, know that abstract notions like supply and demand make little sense in commercial territories declared illegal. Cocaine markets are made of unstable associations and temporal connections. As an exit hub for cocaine destined for the U. Cocaine is the main product of a market with an increasing variety of services attached to it. This is why empowering prison gangs in exchange for anti-narcotics intelligence is counterproductive. It just incentivizes the proliferation of new paid logistical services, such as secured storage, which is exactly what inmate-informants have told the police. Although using prison intelligence to seize cocaine shipments increases police success rates, it also pushes the market toward innovation and violence. The state can attempt to transform that territory, depopulate it, or even close it down, but it can never erase it from the economic map. Ecuador is a frontier space for cocaine commerce connected to a global market in the making. A prison intelligence approach to the cocaine business makes the market brutally violent and turns entire neighborhoods into carceral spaces governed by a predatory logic of interdiction. The culture of suspicion and revenge that we, as a society, are now forced to live in did not develop in a void. The government needs to recognize the role of the state in the production of extreme violence to reorient both its prison policy and drug strategy. At this moment, a major concern should be how to stop the exchange of crime intelligence and prison privileges between police and inmates. As an anthropologist, he has conducted ethnographic research on banking and finance in Southern Europe and prisons, cocaine markets, and the war on drugs in Latin America. He is the lead designer of the digital platform EthnoData. Like this article? Support our work. D onate now. Search form Search. 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Cuenca where can I buy cocaine